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The extracts on pp.91 and 110 from Appian's Roman 
History, vols. 2 and 3, translated by Horace White, are 
reprinted by kind permission of Harvard University Press. 



Contents 



List of Illustrations ix 

List of Maps xv 

Preface xvi 

List of Abbreviations xviii 

Part I The Search for Illyrians 1 

1 Rediscovery of Illyrians 3 
lllyrian studies 3 
Ulyrian landscapes 13 

2 Prehistoric Illyrians 28 
lllyrian origins: Stone and Bronze Ages 28 
Iron Age Illyrians 40 

3 Naming Illyrians 67 
lllyrian language 67 
lllyrian names 74 

Part II Greek Illyrians 89 

4 Neighbours of the Greeks 91 
Adriatic Illyrians 91 
Greeks among Illyrians 104 

5 Enemies of Macedonia 117 
Conquering kings: Philip, Alexander and Pyrrhus 117 
Celts, Autariatae and Dardanians 137 

6 Kingdom of Illyrians 156 
A new power on the Adriatic 156 
Roman alliance and conquest 170 



viii 



< 'mtents 



Part III Roman Mlyrians 1X2 

7 Myricum ls? 
Dalmatian and Pannonian lllyrians I 83 
Pax Romana 207 

8 Life and Death among lllyrians 219 
Ways of life 219 
Burial and belief 241 

9 Imperial lllyrians 254 

Emperors from Ulyricum 254 

Medieval and modern lllyrians 267 

Bibliography 281 

Index 327 



Illustrations 



1 Arthur John Evans in 1878 (from Joan Evans, 
Time and Chance, London, 1943) 

2 Reconstruction of Vucedol Eneolithic settlement 30 
(Alexander 1972, 58; after Schmidt 1945, 19) 

3 Remains of Neolithic pile-dwellings at Maliq, 36 
Albania (reproduced by permission of Verlag 

Philipp von Zabern, Mainz) 

4 Tumulus burial with central grave at Pazhok, 37 
Albania (from Shqiperia Arkeologjike, Tirana, 

1971) 

(a) Plan of settlements on the Glasinac plateau 42 
(after Covic 1975a) 

(b) Chieftain burial at Glasinac (llijak, Tumulus 43 
II) (after Alexander 1972) 

(c) Bronze greaves from Glasinac burial (after 43 
Fiala 1893) 

(d) Design of ship incised on bronze greaves 44 
from Glasinac (after Stipcevic 1977a, 180) 

6 Tumulus graves at Kenete, Albania (from 46 
Shqiperia Arkeologjike, Tirana, 1971) 

Plan of hill-settlement at Pod, Bugojno (later 50 
phase) (after Covic 1975b) 

8 (a) Plans and sections of houses at Donja 52 
Dolina (Alexander 1972) 

(b) Woman's grave at Donja Dolina, with 53 



x Illustrations 

objects enlarged (Alexander 1972) 

9 (a) Burial tumulus at Sticna in Slovenia, 1964 60 
excavations (Photo: Habic Srecko) 

(b) Scenes on Vace situla (Situla Art, Belgrade, 6 1 
1965, pi. 1) 

(c) Bronze situla-cover from Sticna (Grize), 7th 62 
century bc (Narodni Muzej, Ljubljana. Photo: 

Habic Srecko) 

10 Rock-cut tomb at Sclce e Poshtme, Albania 123 
(reproduced by permission of Verlag Philipp 

von Zabcrn, Mainz) 

1 1 Silver coin of King Monounius minted at 129 
Dyrrhachium; diameter 21 mm (reproduced by 
courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, 
London) 

12 (a) Plan of Gajtan fortress, Albania (after 131 
Popovic 1984) 

(b) Gate of Gajtan fortress (from Shqiperia 131 
Arkeologjike, Tirana, 1971) 

13 (a) Plan of Byllis, Gradesht, Albania (after Koch 132 
1989, 250) 

(b) Plan of Byllis, central area (Koch 1989, 251) 132 

14 (a) Plan of Zgcrdhesh fortress, Albania (Koch 134 
1989, 135) 

(b) Zgcrdhesh west perimeter wall and towers 134 

(from Shqiperia Arkeologjike, Tirana, 

1971) 

15 (a) Plan of I.issus, Lezha, Albania (Koch 1989, 135 
141) 

(b) Plan of southwest gate at I.issus (Koch 135 
1989, 142-3) 

(c) Main gate in wall of middle town, Lissus 135 
(reproduced by permission of Verlag Philipp 

von Zabern, Mainz) 

16 (a) Plan of burial tumuli at Atenica, Serbia 142 
(Djuknic and Jovanovic 1966a, pi. 28) 

(b) Stone tomb in Tumulus I at Atenica 143 



Illustrations *i 

(Djuknk and Jovanovic 1966a, pi. 2) 

(c) Plan ol sacrificial areas in Tumulus II at 143 

Atenica (Djuknic and Jovanovic 1966a, 

pis. 37-8) 

17 Bronze helmet inscribed 'Of King Monounios' 147 
(Preussische Staatsmuseum, Berlin) 

18 Plan of burials in cemetery at Gostilj, 169 
Montenegro (after Basler 1972) 

19 (a) Bronze coin of Lissus: head of Artemis 178 
(obv.), thunderbolt and legend L1SSI-TAN 

(rev.), 2nd century bc; diameter 12 mm 
(Ashmolcan Museum, Oxford) 

(b) Bronze coin of Illyrian king Genthios 178 
(Gentius): Illyrian deity wearing broad hat 

(obv.), Illyrian ship and legend GENTH (rev.), 
180-168bc; diameter 20 mm (reproduced by 
courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum, 
London) 

(c) Bronze coins of Scodra: head of Zeus (obv.), 178 
Illyrian ship with legend SKODRI-NON (rev.), 

2nd century bc; diameter 17 mm (E. Thicm/A 
Peik (Lotus Film), Kaufbeurcn) 

(d) Bronze coin of King Ballaios; diameter 179 
16 mm (reproduced by courtesy of the Trustees 

of the British Museum, London) 

(e) Bronze coin of Labcates: Illyrian deity 179 
wearing broad hat (obv.), Illyrian ship with 

dolphin and legend LABIATAN (rev.), 2nd 
century bc; diameter 20 mm (E. Thiem/A Peik 
(Lotus Film), Kaufbeuren) 

20 Fortified places around the poljcs of Duvno, 191 
Livno and Glamoc with lines of intervisibility 

(after Bcnac 1985) 

21 (a) Wall masonry at Osanici, Hcrccgovina 193 
(Marie 1979b) 

(b) Gate at Osanici (Marie 1979b) 193 

22 Bronze-casting mould from Osanici (Marie 195 
1978, pi. 13) 



xii Illustrations 

23 Incised seines of warriors drinking and funeral I 1 ' 1 ' 
dancers on a Japodian burial-chest from Ribic, 
Bosnia (after Vasic 1967) 

24 Figured tombstones in the Roman colony at 
Dyrrhachium, 1st century ad (Durres Museum): 

(a) Ex-slave Caecilius Lactus ('Happy') 214 

(b) Domitius Sarcinator ('Clothes-mender') and 214 
his wife Titia 

25 The prehistoric village and castelliere in Istria 226 
restored by R. F. Burton (Burton 1874, pi. 7) 

26 Four male figures on a tombstone from Zenica, 228 
Bosnia, 4th century ad (Stipcevic 1966) 

27 (a) Bronze pectoral from Zaton, near Nin, 232 
Liburnia (Sime Batovic, 150 Codina 
Arbeoloskoga Muzeja u Zadru, 1982) 

(b) Jewellery and ornaments worn by lllyrian 232 
women (reproduced by permission of Verlag 
Philipp von Zabcrn, Mainz) 

28 (a) Anthropomorphic bron/.c pendant from Loz, 234 
Slovenia, 5th century isc (Vida Satre, Pra- 
zgodovina Slovenije, 1971) 

(b) Bronze pendant from Kompolje, Lika, 234 
25 cm long (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb) 

(c) Bronze temple-band from Gorica, Slovenia 234 
(Stipcevic 1966, fig. 7) 

(d) Japodian metal headgear from Kompolje, 234 
Lika (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb) 

(e) Japodian leather helmets with metal studs 235 
and mail from Kompolje, Lika (after Drechsler- 

Bizic 1968) 

(f) Bronze and amber jewellery from burial 235 
tumulus at Sticna, 6th century bc: (Narodni 

Muzej, Ljubljana. Photo: Habic Srecko) 

29 Silvered bronze belt-plate with scene of combat 236 
between warriors and horsemen, from Sclce e 
Poshtme, Albania, 3rd century bc: (Historical 
Museum, Tirana) 

30 Altars with Latin text dedicated by chief of the 239 



Illustrations 

Japodcs at Privilica spring, near Bihac, Bosnia, 
1st century ad (Stipcevic 1966) 

31 Bronze cuirass from Novo MestO, Slovenia, 7th 240 
century iu (Narodni Muzej, Ljubljana. Photo: 

Habic Srecko) 

32 Bronze helmet from a warrior-burial, Kaptol, 240 
Slavonia (Archaeological Museum, Zagreb) 

33 Decorated clay hearth from Donja Dolina, 242 
Bosnia (Stipcevic 1966) 

34 Relief of Diana and other deities at Opacici, 246 
near Glamoc, Bosnia (Stipcevic 1966) 

35 (a) Tombstone of mother and daughter in 248 
native style with Greek epitaph, from near 
Apollonia (Koch 1989, pi. 22) 

(b) Family tombstone with relief portraits, from 249 
Kolovrat, near Prijepolje, Serbia, late 2nd 

century ad (photo: A. Ccrmanovic-Kuzmanovic) 

(c) Portrait reliefs on family tombstones from 250 
near Glamoc, Bosnia, 2nd century ad 

(Bojanovski 1978a) 

(d) Tombstone, with depictions of jewellery 251 
(above) and textile motifs (below), with Latin 
epitaph from near Sinj, Dalmatia (Gabricevic 

1983, pi. 1; Archaeological Museum, Split) 

36 Early medieval stone relief with traditional 272 
native circles and Christian cross from near 

Sinj, Dalmatia (Stipcevic 1966) 

37 (a) Plan of Sarda fortress, Albania (after V. 274 
Popovic 1984) 

(b) Gate of Sarda fortress (from Shqiperia 274 
Arkeologjike, Tirana, 1971) 

38 (a) Early medieval cemetery at Komani, near 275 
Shkoder, Albania, 7th-9th century ad 

(reproduced by permission of Verlag Philipp 
von Zabern, Mainz) 

(b) Ornaments and jewellery from Komani- 276 
Kruja burials, 7th-8th century ad (reproduced 



Illustrations 



by permission of Vcrlag Philipp von Zabern, 
Mainz) MapS 
(c) Gold jewellery from Komani burials, 277 
6th-9th century ad (from Shqiperia 
Arkeologjike, Tirana 1971) 



1 Illyrian Lands 

2 Prehistoric Illyrians: Sites and Cultures 

3 The Kingdom of the Illyrians 

4 Roman Illyricum 



Preface 



The purpose of this hook is to present the current state of 
knowledge regarding peoples known to the Ancient World as 
Illyrians. During the past two decades a large amount of work 
has taken place on known prehistoric and historic sites in 
Albania and Yugoslavia, while many new finds have been 
reported. Here annotation of the text and the accompanying 
bibliography are intended as a guide only to recent publications. 
In this respect I acknowledge my debt to the Illyrian biblio- 
graphies compiled by Alcksandar Stipcevic and his colleagues. 
Research on the origins and identity of Illyrians continues to 
be infected by the politics of today. That is no novelty for this 
region of Europe but in recent years much has been gained 
through the open debates in symposia organized by Alojz Benac 
of Sarajevo and in the Illyrian congresses in Albania. Moreover, 
at a time when the political future of the Yugoslav and Albanian 
peoples seems so uncertain, it is right for the outsider to pay 
tribute to the scholarly integrity of many colleagues in these 
lands as they confront the myths and falsehoods relating to the 
remote past which are deployed in modern political contests. 

I am grateful to the Editors and to the Publishers for rheir 
invitation to contribute to this series, and no less for their 
patience and forbearance in the face of delay and procrasti- 
nation. I am grateful also for the help and support of my 
London colleagues, Mark Hassall and Richard Recce, which 
allowed me to enjoy the hospitality of the British School at 
Athens and the use of its excellent library for two months early 
in 1990. Colleagues in Yugoslavia and Albania have responded 



Prefat e 



WW 



generously to my requests for illustrations. Sheppard Frere 
kindly read .1 pan of the text and ollcred many helpful criti- 
cisms and suggestions, as have also the editorial and production 
staff at Blackwcll Publishers. 1 am also indebted to my colleague 
Judith Higgens for help and advice at the proof-reading stage. 
My greatest debt, signalled in the dedication, is to my family, 
for their unfailing encouragement and support. 



List of Abbreviations 



AAnt. Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum 

Hung. Hungarian; Budapest 

AArch. Acta Archaeologica Academiae 'scientiarum 

Hung. Hungaricae, Budapest 

AI Archaeohgia lugoslavka, Beograd 

A] A American Journal of Archaeology, New York 

ANUBiH Akademija Nauka i Umjetnosti Bosne i 

Hercegovine (Academie des Sciences et des Arts 
de Bosnie-Herzegovine), Sarajevo 
Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger, berlin 
AV Arheoloski Vestnik, Ljubljana 

BAR British Archaeological Reports, Oxford 

BRGK Bericht der Romisch-Germaniscben Komnussion 
des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, Mainz 
BUST Buletin i Universiteit Shteteror te Tiranes 

(Bulletin of the State University Tirana), Tirana 
BzN Beitrage zur Namenforschung, Heidelberg 

CBI Centar za Balkanoloska Ispitivanja (Centre 

d'Etudes Balkaniques), Sarajevo 
CRAl Comptes rendus de I' Academie des Inscriptions 

et Belles Lettres, Paris 
FGrHist Fragmente der griechischen Historiker, ed. F. 

Jacoby, Berlin 1923 
FHG Vragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. 

Miiller, Paris 1841-70 
GCBI Godisnjak (Annuaire) CBI, Sarajevo 
GGM Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Muller, Pans, 



Ust „t Abbreviation! 



1KSS(,| 

ay MS Glasnik Zemalskog Muzeja u Sarajevo, Sarajevo 
Inv. Anb. bwentaria Archaeologica (Corpus des Ensembles 

Archeologiques) 
It A journal of Field Archaeology, Boston 

I US Journal of Hellenic Studies, London 

]OAl Jahreshefte des Osterreichischen 

Archaeologischen Instituts, Wien 
JRGZM Jahrbuch des Rbmisch-Germanischen 

Zentralmuseums Mainz, Bonn 
JRS journal of Roman Studies, London 

LCL Loeb Classical Library 

It Listy tilologicke, Praha 

MAA Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica, Pnlep 

MGH Monumenta Cermaniae Historica, Berlin 
PZ trahistorische Zeitschrift, Berlin 

Rev. Arch. Revue Archeologique, Paris 
SA Studia Alhamca, Tirana 

SAZU Slovenska Akademija Znanost. in Umctnost. 

(Slovene Academy of Sciences and Arts), 

Ljubljana 

SF Studime tilologjike (Philological Studies), Hrana 

SI I Stinlime Historike (Historical Studies), 1 nana 

VAHD Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Historiju Dalmatmsku 

(Bulletin d'Archeologie et d'Histoire Dalmate), 

S It 

VAMZ Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu (Bulletin 
of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb), 
Zagreb , 

WMBH Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosmen unci 
der Hercegovina, Wien 

WMBH I. Wissenschaftliche Mitteilungen des Bosmsch- 
herzegowinischen Landesmuseums, Sarajevo 

ZA Ziva Antika (Antiquite Vivante), Skopje 

ypt Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 

Bonn 



/ 



Rediscovery of lily nans 



Illyrian studies 

For more than a thousand years before the arrival of the Slavs 
in the sixth century ad, the lands east of the Adriatic were the 
home of peoples known to the ancient world as lllyrians. Their 
territory comprised much of what is now occupied by the 
Yugoslavs, along with northern and central Albania. They 
spoke a language of which almost no trace has survived. That 
it belonged to the 'family' of Indo-European languages has 
been deduced from the many names of Illyrian peoples and 
places preserved in Greek and Latin records, both literary and 
cpigraphic. We cannot be sure that any of them actually called 
themselves lllyrians: in the case of most of them it is near 
certain that they did not. In general the lllyrians have tended 
to be recognized from a negative standpoint, in that they were 
manifestly not Celts, Dacians or Thracians, or Greeks or Mace- 
donians, their neighbours on the north, east and south 
respectively.' 

Not merely do all the surviving descriptions of lllyrians and 
their ways derive from 'external' sources, but what has made 
matters much worse, for history's verdict upon them, is that 
many Greek and Roman writers seem to vie with each other 
in expressing their contempt and detestation for lllyrians. Even 
though they have escaped the sort of lasting infamy attached 



1 Trbuhovic 1971, Stipcevic 1986. 



I 



The Sean b /■» UfyrUmt 



tothenamc of the German Vandali, they ^nto^*"" 
n the historical record. As 'savages' or "barbarians on th 
no L , eriphcry ol .In- classical world, even today lllynans 
SWSe footnotes in mos, versions of ancient h^ 
and more often than no. they are simply ignored. Readers 
I ene rally familiar with the worlds of ancient Greece and Rome 
;£ „ suspect, and rightly so, an attempt to adjust 
1 s See of the historical record, not least because, as the 
"gh, said, it is the only version they knowJ^ 
lU le to be gained from seeking to create a picture of lllynans 
Joes not adopt a perspective o them as peoples on the 
pcnp |H,-v of the Mediterranean worlds of Greece and Rome. 
P o"Z other hand, it is now less acceptable to order desenp- 
rions of such geographically marginal societies according to 
c tegor es'as >Hellenized\ >m-Hcllcnized and 'Romani- 
zed' These labels convey simplistic notions of a diffusion o 
aU material innovation and development from an advanced 
" a more primitive periphery, through vanenes eta* 
or indirect contact. Happily, we can now seek an escape trim 
such narrow confines through the increasing ^eologica 
evidence for lllyrians and their way of life. Not that it can be 
Uuned that archaeologists and other students o p^tonc 
societies are free from a liking for traditional explanations ol 
S^n7deve,opme S 

out reach for the foreseeable future, the evidence now avail- 
able usufies an interim statement. We may best begin with a 
r^rnnnaissance of progress in Illynan studies.- 

"STiW-H Tuff,,, Njj :> J- «- 

* virv in Illvria' two centuries were to elapse betorc hat name 
^ S map of Europe. By Ac Treaty o 
on 14 October 1809 a large trac, ol land ea.y du Ad n 10, 

**** ^tr»rti^ 

ST. h J3S|J3i S of S Ill/nan Province, in the 



ifcfaon 1986 (Roman imag. of lllrrians), Irmscte .986 (lllyri, n 

Classical scholarship). 



early nineteenth century .he stirrings ..I Slav national leclmg 
began to be translated into political manifestos more specific 
to the established order of Europe as constituted by the Con- 
gress of Vienna m IK 15. Among the Slav subjects ol the Austro- 
Hungarian Empire of the Hapsburgs the Illynan name was 
invoked by a movement in Croatia, centred on its capita 
Agram, the Zagreb of today. Here the continued dominua _of 
the Hungarian language set off a movement among he Illynan 
Slavs' the Slovenes in the northwest around La.bach 
(1 jub liana), the Croats and the independent Serbs further east. 

'was from this feeling of cultural oppression that assertions 
of close lmks between the ancient lllynans and the southern 
(•jugo-') Slavs began to be vigorously promoted notably by 
L udevi Gaj and the Illynan Movement. Though their argu- 
ments lacked the support of scientific evidence 
currency as political slogans awakened the sense of an II y an 
heritage from the remote past. Moreover, it happened that 
ntl this period, in the middle decades of the nineteen h 
century, the foundations of the modern historical and archaeol- 
ogical traditions of Illyrian studies were being laid. 

In Dalmatia historians and antiquaries of the Renaissance 
notably Marko Marulic (1450-1524), had already begun to 
observe and record the abundant ancient remains. Jr the ^seven- 
teenth century Vicko Prodic inc hided an account of die fflynan 
burial mounds on brae in his chronicle of the island history. 
In Croatia and Dalmatia, an Austrian territory after the defeat 
of Napoleon, the collection and study of ancient remains began 
with the foundation of archaeological museums at Split in 
1818-21 at Zadar in 1830 and in the Croatian capital Zagreb 
in 1846. The first detailed account of the ancient lllynans 
appeared in the Albanesische Studten of J. G. von Hahn, pub- 
lished at Jena in 1854, in which the author advanced the 
proposition that modern Albanians were descended from 

ancient lllyrians. In Austria '^f^J^^^^K 
and ancient monuments was formally signalled in 1856 w th 
the establishment m Vienna of the Central Commission for the 



'Archaeological Museum Pula 1986a (exhibition on the Ulyrian 
Movement). 



6 



The S,;m h for lllyri.im 



Study and Preservation of Artistk ami Historical Monuments. 
In Zagreb the Croatian Archaeological Society was re-estab- 
lished in 1878. Around this time also some ot the pioneers of 
Illyrian studies in Croatia began long and industrious careers. 
Frane Bulic in Split and at Zagreb, Sime Ljubic in the Museum 
and Josip Brunsmid in the University. In the Austrian port of 
Trieste the British consul Richard Burton contributed a study 
of ancient hill settlements (gradina) and other prehistoric 
remains in the Istrian peninsula (see figure 25), to be followed 
30 years later by the major synthesis of Carlo Marchesetti. 4 

At the Congress of Berlin in the summer of 1878 the Great 
Powers of Europe sought to resolve the Eastern Question, 
specifically the wretched condition of Christian Slavs in the 
European territories of Ottoman Turkey. By assigning to Aus- 
tria the troubled provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina, the lot 
of the Slav population may not have been greatly improved 
but the heartlands of the ancient Illyrians were laid open to 
historical and archaeological exploration. A vivid account of 
the archaeology of Austria's new territories, interspersed with 
comments on the political questions of the time, is provided 
by the works of the young Arthur Evans, later famous for his 
excavations at Knossos, centre of the Minoan civilization of 
Bronze Age Crete. In the late summer of 1875 the 25-year 
old Evans (see figure 1) made a journey across Bosnia and 
Hercegovina from Zagreb to Ragusa (Dubrovnik) on the Adri- 
atic. As he and his brother Lewis moved south, news reached 
them of uprisings by Christian peasants in Hercegovina and of 
the atrocities committed by the irregular troops sent to quell 
them. Though on a lesser scale than the Bulgarian atrocities of 
the following year, the sufferings of the South-Slav peasants 
described in Evans' lurid and frankly sensationalized account 
produced an outburst of indignation in England. It had been 
his ambition to discover forgotten and exciting civilizations but 
his search for Illyrians soon became bound up with the cause 
of Slav freedom, a movement in which he now began to play 
a leading part. As a special correspondent of the Manchester 
Guardian based at Ragusa from 1877 he reported in unflattcr- 



4 Burton 1874, Marchesetti 190.5. 




8 



The Start h foi llfyriatit 



in}; terms the imposition ol Austrian rule after the Berlin 
Congress. His intemperate assertions that the Emperor's regime 
was no better than that of the Moslem l urk, and in some 
respects was worse, evoked little response in England. In I SSI 
he published a sympathetic account of the activities of Slav 
dissidents in the nearby mountains and, after a spell in prison, 
he was deported from Austrian territory in April 1882.' 

Though they ended in ignominy, his years of residence at 
Ragusa allowed Evans to travel widely throughout the Illyrian 
lands, to collect and study antiquities. His 'Antiquarian Rese- 
arches in Illyricum', published in four parts by the Society of 
Antiquaries of London in its Archaeologia (1883-5), still repay 
study for their wealth of information and observation of detail 
at first hand. He described a society which had been largely 
cut off from the rest of Europe during nearly five centuries 
of Ottoman rule. His discursive and enthusiastic accounts of 
prehistoric and classical remains and the ancient customs of 
the contemporary Slavs were not composed in a scholarly 
seclusion but amid a career of political journalism and agi- 
tation. The achievements of Illyrians in the remote past were 
deployed in order to emphasize to his readers how dark and 
regressive had been the era of Turkish rule. 

Though castigated for its insensitive ways the Austrian regime 
in Bosnia and Hercegovina transformed the archaeological pic- 
ture of those areas from one of near total darkness after the 
centuries of Turkish rule into one of the best observed regions 
of Europe. The advance began with the foundation of the 
provincial museum in Sarajevo (Bosnisch-Hercegovinische 
Landcsmuseum). Several major programmes of excavation were 
soon under way; the Neolithic settlement at Butmir near Sara- 
jevo; the great Bronze and Iron Age burial grounds on the 
Glasinac plateau in eastern Bosnia; in the west the Iron Age 
cemetery at Jezerine near Bihac in the Una valley and the pile- 
dwellings at Donja Dolina on the river Sava. The results and 
finds were published in the museum Bulletin [Glasnik) in Serb- 
ian, and in German in the volumes of Scientific Reports 
(Wissensckaftliche Mitteilungen aus Bosnien void der 



'Wilkes 1976. 



Rediscovery <>/ lllyrlam 



9 



Herzegovina) which appeared between 1893 and 1916 along 
with sivii.il monographs on m.i|or sites. In addition to the 
archaeological papers these volumes also included many pion- 
eering studies by anthropologists and ethnologists who seized 
the chance to work in this little known area of Europe.'" 

In Yugoslavia the second half of the twentieth century has 
sit u many important discoveries and numerous publications 
relating to the Illyrian past. Most of this work has been under- 
taken by specialists in the universities and in the national 
museums ot Belgrade, Zagreb, Skopje, Sarajevo and Ljubljana. 
In addition much important evidence that might have been lost 
through new building and other development has been rescued 
by the hard-pressed antiquities services of the Republics. Several 
ol the long-established periodicals were reconstituted after the 
Second World War and continue to be published, including the 
Starinar of Belgrade, the Glasnik of the Sarajevo museum, and 
the Vjesnik of the Zagreb and Split museums. Some important 
new periodicals have issued from the new state academies for 
scientific research at Zagreb, Ljubljana (the Slovenian journal 
Arheoloski Vestnik) and more recently Sarajevo. Here the 
( nitre for Balkan Studies [Centar za balkanoloska ispitivanja) 
ot the Academy of Sciences in Bosnia and Hercegovina, under 
the inspiration of Alojz Benac, has published an Annual 
[Godisnjak), numerous monographs and a massive synthesis of 
Yugoslav prehistory in several volumes now nearing completion 
(Vraehistorija Jugoslavcnskih Zemalja). With the international 
community in mind, the Archaeological Society of Yugoslavia 
has since 1954 published Ardnwologica iugoslavica containing 
brief reports on major new finds and important research in 
English, French or German, followed later by Arheoloski Pre- 
gled (Archaeological Preview) with annual summaries of recent 
lield-work. The same body has also initiated a series of mono- 
graphs for major excavation reports or archaeological synth- 
eses. At the time of writing political tensions appear to have 
made concerted publication at the federal level more difficult, 
but the quality of archaeological publication remains high, 



"Stipcevic 1977a, 3-13; Munro 1900 for a first-hand account of work in 
progress at these sites and of the Sarajevo congress of 1894. 



II) 



The Sean h l<» lllyrians 



notably in the How of volumes from Sarajevo, while the pro- 
ceedings (Materijali) of the annual conference ol the Yugosla\ 
Archaeological Society continue to appear. 

In Albania the first systematic record ol ancient sues was 
made before the First World War by Carl I'atsch (1904) and 
subsequently by CamMo Praschniker and Arnold Schobcr 
(1919) Their topographical studies remain the basis oi modern 
studies of IHyrian sites, while between the wars Italian 
expeditions tended to be focused on classical sites on the coast, 
notablv Apollonia where major excavations were directed by 
1 eon Rev. Since the Second World War archaeological explo- 
ration has been impelled by a national policy to establish 
the link between modern Albanians and ancient lllyrians. LhC 
investigation of both prehistoric and classical sites, well 
underway during the fifties and sixties, gained impetus in the 
seventies through a heightened political interest in the Albanian 
IHyrian heritage. Research was centred on the archaeo og.cal 
and ethnographical museum in Tirana from 1948 until 1976 
when the Albanian Academy of Sciences created its Centre tor 
Archaeological Research in Tirana with eight regional offices 
covering the entire country. In addition to the National 
Museum in Tirana, major museums have been organized at 
Durres, Apollonia, Fieri, Saranda and Butrint. Since 1971 al 
major archaeological research in Albania, including several 
conferences and colloquia attended by foreign specialists, has 
been published in the periodical Iliria, while the many activities 
of the Monuments Protection Service are recorded in Momt- 

mentet.* , ,. . c i 

A welcome development has been the publication ot general 
works on Illvrians, notably that by Aleksandar St.pcev.c, which 
first appeared in 1968 in an Italian edition and subsequently 
in Yugoslav (1974) and American (1977) versions. A more 
technical study by the Polish scholar W. Pajakowsk. is more 
accessible in a German edition published in Sarajevo (1980). 
Several general works on lllyrians have appeared in Albania, 

7 Now registered in the bibliographies of Stipcevic (1967, 1977b, 1978, 

1984a) and Skegro 1988. 
"Bibliography for 1945-71 in Jubani 1972a and survey tor 1945-86 in 

Cabanes 1988c. 



Rediscovery llryrlant 



1 1 



among which one maj include the proceedings ol the 1972 
IHyrian congress published in volumes 4-6 ol lliria. A major 
compilation is Us lllyriens: aperqus historiques (1985) edited 
In Selim Islami, with other contributors including S. Anamah, 
M. Korkuti and the doyen ol Albanian archaeology F. Prendi. 
German technology has now furnished more than one fine 
visual record of Albanian archaeology: one is the lavishly lllus- 
trated catalogue (edited by A. Kggebrecht) produced for an 
exhibition at Hildesbeim during the summer of 1988, while the 
monuments of Albanian Illyria arc well presented in a guide- 
book by Guntram Koch (1989). 9 

The current version of the Albanian theory of their IHyrian 
origins is centred on the unbroken descent of modern Albanians 
Irom an IHyrian people already formed in Bronze Age times 
and in a geographical area that coincided with that occupied 
today by Albanian speakers, the modern state of Albania and 
the Yugoslav region of Kosovo. The guiding principles of 
orchaeological research are the following: excavation of prchis- 
toric burial tumuli to supplement evidence for prehistoric lllyri- 
ans from the Korce basin and to define more clearly the 
relations with prehistoric cultures of Greece, Italy and Yugosla- 
m.i; the growth of IHyrian urban settlements in the Hellenistic 
period (fourth to second centuries ik:) and their relations with 
the Greek colonies on the coast; and studies in the late Roman 
.ind early medieval periods to demonstrate the links between 
Illvrians 'under Roman rule and Albanians, who first appear 
during the second half of the eleventh century. 1 " 

The continuing political collisions between Albanians and 
the Yugoslav Serbs have had a marked impact on IHyrian 
Studies. It is no novelty that debates over the ethnic affinities 
nl ancient peoples in southeast Europe should be bound up 
with the antipathies of Serbs, Bulgars, Greeks and Albanians 
but the question of Kosovo has become more serious than at 
any time since it was first posed at the break-up of the Ottoman 
Empire. After the First World War the area moved between 
Albania and Yugoslavia according to the balance of Grcat- 



- Also the 1984 Clermont-Ferrand colloquium, Cabanes 1987. 
•°Buda 1984. 



12 



I be Sean h l<" lllyriaus 



Power politics, though for most o( the period ii I). is remained 
under Yugoslav control while the population lias become more 
and more Albanian. For this reason the ethnic affinities ol the 
Dardanians, ancient inhabitants ot Kosovo, northern Mace- 
donia and southern Serbia, have attracted attention. Albanians 
hold them to be Illyrians, ethnically homogeneous with the 
rest, while a Serbian view argues that Dardanians represent an 
intermingling of both Illyrian and Thracian elements. There is 
little danger of lasting damage being caused by arguments being 
conducted on these lines when the evidence is historical or 
epigraphic and remains in the public domain, but the damage 
is done when archaeological evidence is successively deployed 
to support one hypothesis with another. These reconstructions 
of prehistory - 'houses of cards' according to one scholar - 
prove suprisingly difficult to demolish even long after their 
foundations have been shown not to exist. Similar problems 
arise regarding the peoples of ancient Epirus, now divided 
between Albania and Greece. Against a widespread view that 
they spdke a form of Greek the Albanians argue that the 
Kpirotes were one with the rest of the Illyrians." 

It we set aside some of the themes inspired by modern politics 
we are still left with several worthwhile areas of enquiry for 
which much new evidence is to hand. Who were the Illyrians 
and how valid are suggested definitions of Illyrians on the basis 
of archaeological and linguistic evidence, taken together or 
separately? How were Illyrians linked with other inhabitants 
of the Danube lands, Thracians, Daco-Moesians, Italic peoples, 
Greeks and Celts, in their material culture and language? What 
happened to the Illyrians under Roman rule and how were 
they affected by the process known as Romanization? What 
connection did the illyrian emperors' of the third and fourth 
centuries ad have with the peoples conquered by the first 
Roman emperor Augustus? Is there evidence for the survival of 
an Illyrian native culture during the Roman and early Byzantine 
periods? What traces of Illyrians can be detected today in the 
culture of the South Slavs and Albanians? Before we tackle the 



11 For the Albanian view see Hadri 1976 and for the Serbian response M. 
Garasanin 1980 and the comments of Benac 1987b on lslami et al. 1985. 



Redist uvery >>/ Illyrians 



prehistoric origins ol Illyrians and then evolution down lo the 
fifth century im we must consider the lands in which they lived, 
since Illyrian landscapes exhibit several distinctive features that 
imposed a pattern ol life on the inhabitants that was very 
different from even the adjacent parts ot Europe. 

Illyrian landscapes'- 

I In UK nan lands are dominated by the results of Europe's 
most recent phase of mountain building. The extensive sedimen- 
tary beds of limestone, clay and sandstone created in the Palaeo- 

im> period were raised into a series of complex folds to create 
the Alpine systems of relief. On the east the main Alpine system 
divides, the northern to form the Carpathians of Czecho- 
slovakia and Romania which then double back as the Stara 
Planina of Bulgaria. The southern branch continues sou- 
iheastwards, parallel with the Adriatic, as the Dinaric system 
ol Yugoslavia and then into Albania and Greece as the Pindus 
range. Between the two Alpine systems lies the great Hungarian 
or Pannonian plain, divided by the Bakony hills, where the 
Danube turns south at the great bend north of Budapest, into 
a smaller northwestern plain (Kiss-Alfiild) and the great plain 
(Nagy-Alfold) to the southeast. Drainage of this area is entirely 
io the Danube, which exits from the plain by the Iron Gates 
gorge through the Carpathians east of Belgrade. Europe's great- 
est river, navigable from Ulm in southern Germany, (lows for 

1725 miles from its source in the Black Forest to its delta on 
the Black Sea. Its major tributaries drain most of the Illyrian 
lands, from the Julian Alps in the northwest to the Alps of 
northern Albania. From this quarter heavy winter rains contrib- 
ute to a sustained How, partly cancelling out the summer 
maximum from the melting snow of the Alps and the summer 
rainfall of the plains. Compared with this vast system the rivers 
which flow into the Mediterranean arc insignificant. Along the 
Adriatic only the Drin and the Neretva are permanent rivers, 

II Accounts of historical geography arc furnished by Pounds 1969 and 
I iirnock 1988. 



The Sean l< /«>; lllyriam 



the rest being little more than seasonal torrents, and rven those 
are navigable for light craft only in their lowest onuses. At the 
same time these lesser Adriatic rivers are important because 
they offer a means of passage through intractable country, and 
the most notable in this regard is the Vardar of Macedonia for 
passage between the Aegean and the Danube basin. The route 
along the Neretva between the Adriatic and central Bosnia is 
not easy but was evidently used already in prehistoric times. 

In Albania the Mediterranean rivers are altogether more 
significant. Flowing mainly in a northwesterly direction 
between parallel ranges, some of the larger streams, including 
the Drin, Mat and Shkumbin, cut through some hills to reach 
the sea by meandering courses across the coastal plain. The 
largest system is that of the Drin, which as the Black Drin 
(Drin i Zi) flows through a deep valley northwards to Kukcs, 
where it is joined by the White Drin (Beli Drin) from the 
Metohija basin. The united stream Hows west through the 
mountains for 25 miles in a deep gorge but at the edge of the 
plain divides between a westward course into the Lake of 
Shkoder and a tortuous southern course to the sea at the ancient 
and modern port of Lezha. Within the bend of the Drin the 
river Mat flows northwestwards through lower hills before 
turning west to cut through the last range of hills bordering 
the plain. In central Albania the Shkumbin rises close to Lake 
Ohrid and then turns west towards the sea, while the Devoll, 
which once drained Lake Prespa and the Ohrid basin, takes a 
zig-zag course following and crossing several mountain ranges. 
In contrast the more southerly Osum and Vijosc How 
northwestwards in their main courses parallel with the ranges. 
Throughout this area there occur abrupt changes in river 
character at the meeting of mountain and plain. The flows 
become slower and great quantities of alluvium bring braided 
streams, flood plains and frequent changes of course among 
the malarial marshlands that dry out in the hot summers. 

The Cretaceous limestones of the Dinaric ranges are not 
acutely folded and present a uniquely dry surface devoid of 
vegetation over large areas; they comprise the most extensive 
and spectacular example of the karst land-formation. Three 
regions can be distinguished: the Julian Alps and Karawankcn 
in the northwest; the western Dinara 40 to 70 miles broad, 



Rediscovery •>/ UlyrtaHi 



is 



extending from Istria t<> Greece and falling steeply in many 

places to the Adriatic where it is screened by long ami narrow 
islands belonging to die told lines ol the Dinaric system; and 
the eastern Dinara, lower and dissected by valleys of rivers 
flowing across it to the Sava and Danube, where the hills fall 
BWfl) gently to the Pannonian plain. South of this plain and to 
ilu- cast ot the Dinaric system lies an area dissected by two 
nia|or rivers and their tributaries, the Morava flowing north to 
die Danube and the Vardar (Axios) south to the Aegean. This 
tegion contains many plains and basins, usually with lacustrine 
deposits, separated by high but generally isolated mountain 
masses, notably the great Sar planina (2702 m). Through the 
\alle\s and basins of this region pass several major routes 
between the Danube and the Mediterranean, the so-called Mor- 
a\ a Vardar corridor. 

In Albania a coastal plain, north of the Shkumbin the Kavajc, 
•...nth of it the Myzeqeja, extends north from Cape Linguctta 
i Kepi (ijuhezcs) for more than 100 miles until the border with 
Montenegro, after which the coastline turns northwestwards 
and the Dinaric ranges approach the sea. In places the plain is 
over M) miles wide but elsewhere is interrupted as the hills 
Come within a few miles of the sea. Flat and only a few metres 
above sea-level, the surface consists mainly of layers of sand 
and alluvium deposited by the rivers in the manner described 
above. As a whole the line of the coast is advancing and has 
moved more than three miles since classical times. The area has 
always provided excellent winter grazing but is now extensively 
exploited for the irrigated cultivation of rice and cotton. Major 
settlements have developed either as coastal ports (Durres and 
Vlora) or important towns on the inland margins (Shkoder, 
I n ana, Klbasan and Berat) but rarely in between. 

In Yugoslavia the karst is everywhere close to the coast, most 
dramatically in the Velebit range in the north which falls almost 
sheer into the sea. Except for the central stretch between Zadar 
and Split there are no significant areas of lowland adjoining 
die sea north of the plain of the Bojana which drains the Lake 
ol Shkoder. From here to the Neretva some small and isolated 
areas of flat land have supported the settlements of Dubrovnik, 
I Icrccg-Novi, Kotor, Budva and Ulcinj. Behind the last lies the 
basin of the Lake of Shkoder, into which the Montenegrin 



16 



//><• Search /<<» Illy riant 



rivers Zeta and Moraca flow through an alluvial plain. I he 
coastal ranges arc next interrupted by the basin <>l the Neretva, 
the only river to cross the karst from a source which lies to 
the north of it. After flowing through several basins linked by 
narrows the stream reaches the sea through a small delta. At 
Makarska south of Split the high ranges retreat inland and the 
highly indented coast as far as the Zrmanja estuary beyond 
Zadar has always been intensively settled, notably around the 
Bay of Castles (Kastelanski zali) on which lay Salon a, the 
largest ancient settlement of the area and precursor of medieval 
and modern Split (Spalato). North of the Krka estuary at 
Sibenik the limestone plateau rises towards the interior but 
contains several bands of alluvial basins which have long been 
settled and cultivated. Between the Zrmanja and the head of 
the Quarnero (Kvarner) gulf the coast is barred by the Velebir 
range, and even the great port of Rijeka at its northern 
extremity is confined to a narrow shelf between mountains and 
sea. The Istrian peninsula is formed of a low limestone platform 
linked to the higher Julian karst along a line roughly between 
Trieste and Rijeka. On the west and a part of the east coast 
areas of lowland border the sea. Though karst features pre- 
dominate, and there are few rivers, the lower altitude and a 
higher water-table has inhibited the more severe conditions of 
the Dinaric region. 

Behind the coastal plain of Albania lies a belt of hills formed 
for the most part by the folding of sedimentary sandstone, 
shale and limestone. The greater resistance of the last to surface 
erosion has resulted in steep ridges separated by softer, more 
eroded hills. In the north this zone confines the river Mat but 
further south the Shkumbin cuts through several ridges in 
gorges. Further south again this zone of hills broadens to more 
than 50 miles to reach the coast and contains up to eight steep- 
sided ridges running parallel with the coast, most rising to 
around 1500 metres, although the Nemercke range between 
the Vijose and the Drino attains 2486 metres. On the north 
the valleys open to the coastal plain and their courses alternate 
between narrows and wide basins containing the major settle- 
ments such as Gjirokastra, Tepeleni and Bcrat. These valleys 
offer several routes to the south, in marked contrast with 
northern Albania where the mountains rise steeply from the 



Rediscovery of lllyriam 



I 



plain to bai passage to the interior. I Ins distinction has resulted 

'ajor differences ol historical development between northern 

and southern Albania, a dunk- which, as we shall see later, 
marked also a southern limit ol lllyrian peoples. 

Behind this intermediate range of mountains, the highlands 
ol eastern Albania are divided by the steep-sided and narrow 
passages of the Drill, Shkumbin, Devoll and Osum. In the north 
a ureal arc of Albanian Alps rises to around 2500 metres, 
among which are areas of summer pasture and near inaccess- 
ible, though inhabited valleys. To the cast of the upper Drin 
the high mass ol Korab (2764 m) is no less rugged. Between 
these masses the alternating gorges and small basins of the 
lll.uk Drin have never been a route in modern times. South of 
iln Shkumbin the hills are less rugged and there occur several 

Upland plains w here cultivation is possible. Here the existence 
..i ill, 

transverse valleys has allowed the passage between cast 
ind west and for that reason has always been the highly 
Itratcgic area of the southern Balkans. The lake region which 
straddles the Albanian-Yugoslav border consists of several 
alluvial kisms formed by north-south faulting, containing 
Lakes Ohiui, Prespa and Little Prespa, all once much larger 
ili. in they are today. South of Ohrid the extensive Korcc basin 
ll dotted with marshes and relict lakes, and a similar, smaller 
baiin exists around Bilisht south of Lake Prespa. 

I .isi and northeast of the Albanian highlands there lies a 
maze ol river valleys and alluvial basins, drained by rivers 
Mowing in all directions. This region, comprising southern Ser- 
bia and Yugoslav Macedonia, includes in the valleys of the 
Morava, Vardar and [bar some of the major routes between 
(he Mediterranean and central Europe used since Neolithic 
limes. To the west there is no way across the Dinaric region 
mini the Julian karst plateau at the head of the Adriatic. The 
.lie. i belongs to the Pclagonian massif that remained unaffected 
In i he later Alpine folding which produced the high mountain 
Chains to the easi and west, although it is extensively faulted 
Mid has been affected by volcanic activity. The lakes which 
OllCe filled the basins have long since drained away and narrow 
Channels thai once joined lake with lake form the modern 
pattern ol drainage. 

The Tertiary h.isms «>i the Vardar valley around Titov Veles 



IS 



The Search /<» lllyriatts 



and Skopje are the largest and mosl important <>l the region. 
The former is more hilly and comprises treeless ridges which 
rise to around 700 metres, settlements and cultivation hems; 
for the most part confined to the river valley. Between the two 
basins the river flows in a gorge that is followed by the railway 
but not by the modern road. Above this the triangular Skopje 
basin is bounded by steep-sided faulted mountains but is access- 
ible by routes from three directions, from the northwest by the 
Vardar flowing from the Tetovo basin (see below), from the 
north where a route enters from Kosovo via the Kacanik gorge 
and the tributary Lcpenac between the massifs of the Sar and 
the Skopska Crna Gora and from the northeast along the river 
Pcinja and the Kumanovo basin to the Morava system. The 
upper course of the Vardar forms an arc that encloses the 
Jakupnica massif (2540 m), from which the ridges of Nidzc 
and Kozuf extend southwards to enclose the Bitola-Prilep basin. 
This extends from north to south more than 60 miles and is 
drained by the Crna Reka (Black River) which, after exiting 
from the southern limit of the plain, doubles back to a north- 
eastward course through an area of mountains to join the 
Vardar below Titov Velcs near the ancient Paeonian capital of 
Stobi (Ciradsko). Though marshy in some areas this plain - the 
ancient Pelagonia - has supported a large population from 
prehistoric times and contains two of the major cities of Yugos- 
lav Macedonia, Prilep and Bitola (formerly Monastir). 

West and northwest of this area the districts of Ohrid and 
Tetovo are dominated by the north-south ranges of the Pindus 
svstem, notably the Sar planina and its southward continuation 
formed by the Korab, Bistra (2163 m) and Karaorman (2242 
m). Together they form a barrier to cast-west movement more 
than 100 miles long. East of the Sar lies the roughly parallel 
Suva Gora to the southwest of Skopje which is continued 
southwards as the ranges of Plakenska and Pclister, between 
which lie (from south to north) the basins of Prespa, Ohrid, 
Debar (on the Black Drin between the Jablanica and Stogovo 
ranges), Kicevo and Gostivar-Tetovo, the last drained to the 
north by the upper Vardar. Much of the Ohrid and Prespa 
basins are covered by lakes that still in places reach to the foot 
of steep mountains. Ohrid, drained northwards by the Drin, 
has contracted and is now bordered with marshes, notably 



Rediscovery •>/ Ulyrlam 



•round Struga in the north. Prespa is 160 metres higher than 
< >ln ul, from which ii is divided by the Galifica range, and was 
once drained westwards via I ittle Prespa and the Albanian 
Dcvoll, bin us level has long since sunk and there is now no 
discharge to the sea. Al the same time its recorded fluctuations 
in level are caused by drainage into underground passages 
dissolved in the limestone of the Pindus. Unlike the isolated 
basins to the north the Ohrid basin has always been an 
important centre of the southern Balkans. Once the domain of 
the Enchelei and crossed by the Roman Via Kgnatia, it was the 
sin- ol one of the early Slav settlements and then for a time 
heartland of the First Bulgarian Kmpire. 

The gently rolling terrain of the linked basins of Kosovo and 
Metohija is bounded by steep-sided mountains formed along 
I. mil -lines. On the southwest lie relatively low ranges (c. 1500 
m) northeast of the united Drin, on the northwest Koprivnik 
(2530 m) and Mokra Gora (2155 m), while to the southeast 
he i he northern heights of the Sar massif. The Metohija basin 
in the west is drained by the White Drin which exits through 
a gorge to meet the Black Drin at Kukcs in northern Albania. 
I he two hills which define the Metohija on the east, Crnoljcva 
and Cicevica, are no barrier to communication with the Kosovo 
I-. ism around Pristina, which is smaller and more elongated. 
This is drained by the northwards-flowing Sitnica which joins 
the Ibar, itself a tributary to the Morava, at Kosovska Mitrovica 
at the northern edge of the basin, where the united stream 
follows a gorge between the massifs of Rogozna (1504 in) 
and Kopaonik (2017 m). Towards the south of the plain, 
around the town of Urosevac, there lies an area between the 
drainage of the Sitnica/Ibar system and that of the Nerod- 
unka, which feeds the Vardar via the Lepenac at Kacanik. 
This is the crucial area of a major north-south passage 
between the upper Vardar and the Morava basin around Nis. 
It was in Kosovo that the advancing Turks destroyed the 
forces of Serbia in 1389, and in more recent times, as a part 
of the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, the region was a subject of 
dispute between Austria and Turkey. 

North of the Kumanovo basin rises the Morava, whose 
northward course links a string of small basins that once con- 
tained lakes. As the Southern (Juzna) Morava the stream crosses 



II) 



The Sean l> /<» Myrians 



the Rhodope plateau by a long gorge, linking Vr.ui|c .unl I'riboj 
to the major basin of Leskovac around 25 miles long. From 
there it passes into a more dramatic gorge to reach tin- great 
basin of Nis, cross-roads of the central Balkans. After yet 
another defile at Stalac comes the meeting with the Western 
(Zapadna) Morava, which has also flowed through several 
gorges linking the basins of Pozcga, Cacak, Kraljevo and Krusc- 
vac. The united river then passes through a final defile in the 
Rhodope system at Bagrdan to the final broad valley where 
the now puny relic of a great river gently meanders through 
marshes to the Danube. In spite of the gorges and defiles that 
had to be by-passed through the surrounding hills, the Morava 
up to Leskovac has been the favoured route for passage towards 
the Aegean. The railway and the main modern road now 
continue along the river via Vranje and Priboj and cross by a 
dry valley into the Kumanovo basin and from there reach the 
Vardar. An alternative route, avoiding the detour of the gorge 
at Grdelica, follows the Jablanica from the Leskov ac basin into 
the Kosovo basin. A longer but easier detour, avoiding the 
Southern Morava altogether, follows the Western Morava up 
to Kraljevo and then the [bar to Kosovo, a line now also taken 
by railway and modern road. The area east of the Ibar around 
the massif of Kopaonik is still covered with dense forests of 
oak and beech. Several of the smaller basins within this area 
contained cultivable land, including Prokupljc drained by the 
Toplica into the Southern Morava, Gnjilane, where rises the 
Southern Morava, and, further north, the Malo (Little) Kosovo 
basin. 

For a distance of around 450 miles an uninterrupted system 
of mountains, high plateaus, deep valleys and gorges extends 
from northern Albania to the head of the Adriatic. Becoming 
steadily broader towards the south, this Dinaric system consti- 
tutes a near-impassable barrier between the Adriatic and the 
Pannonian plain. Most of the rock is limestone of the I rias 
and Cretaceous ages and has no surface drainage except for 
the streams that cross the clay floor of a basin (polje) before 
vanishing underground. The surface of the limestone plateau 
in the karst is quite dry and there is no accumulation of red 
soil to sustain even a cover of scrub vegetation. Cultivation is 
impossible, while travel in the region is made difficult by ser- 



Rediscovery ///vim//- 



rated ridges caused by uneven erosion. The mosl conspicuous 
lurface formations are the depressions (dolina), where .1 heavy 
residual clay can retard the drainage ol rainwater. These 
depressions can unite to form dry valleys, but the most signifi- 
canl formations arc the karst basins or polje, a level area of 
alluvium between ridges 011 which rainwater can seasonally 
accumulate to form a lake. Some of the higher polje remain 
dr) bin those nearer the coast at a lower level usually have 
lakes tor some months of the year, while the Lake of Shkoder 
is in fact a polje whose surface lies below sea-level and is 
permanently inundated. These areas afford the only place for 
permanent settlement in the karst, with most of the villages 
being spread around the margins. Towards the northeast of the 
Dinaric system the karst becomes discontinuous, interrupted 
In beds of sandstone and shale. While the lines of relief follow 
the same northwest to southeast axis, the ridges are broader 
and less rugged and the surface greener with more extensive 
forests. There is also more surface drainage to the few major 
in ers which cut across the lines of relief through deep valleys 
anil gorges to link narrow basins of cultivated land. The Dinaric 
region of Yugoslavia comprises some of the most impenetrable 
country anywhere in Europe. Its inhabitants have never submit- 
ted to a central authority, as local loyalties prevail and the 
fragmented terrain hinders contact even between adjacent com- 
munities. By the same token, resistance to the would-be conqu- 
eror has always been determined; the struggles of the Pannonian 
lllyrians against the Romans and those of the Montenegrins 
against the Turks were emulated by Yugoslavs during the 
Second World War. 

Beyond the high karst plateaus and the adjacent high moun- 
tains lies a mountainous region where heights rise to between 
I ?00 and 1600 metres. Here the valleys are broader and offer 
easier passage, while there are long-established major centres 
111 Sarajevo, Viscgrad and Novi Pazar. East of the Drina an 
area of broad valleys and rounded hills ends at the Golija 
planina (1833 m) and the Ibar valley. On the west lie several 
plateaus, including the great prehistoric centre of Glasinac, that 
reach to the basin of Sarajevo, once a great lake and bordered 
on the southwest by the fault-line of the Vranica (21 12 m) and 
Bjelasnica (2067 m) ranges. This area is the physical centre of 



11 



The Search !<•> Illy riant 



Bosnia and the source ol the river Bosna which tonus the axis 
of the basin as far as Zenica, whe n- the river enters a tortuous 
defile between the volcanic massifs of northern Bosnia. The 
next river to the west is the Vrbas, which rises on the west 
slopes of Vranica. After the broad high basin of Bugojno the 
river enters a gorge, with dramatic falls atjajce, until Banjaluka. 
This densely forested area in the Middle Ages formed a nucleus 
of the short-lived independent state of Bosnia and later of 
Serbia. In addition to the timber that away from the gorges 
can be floated down the major rivers, the area has rich mineral 
deposits, including lead, silver and iron ore, most of which 
have been worked since Roman times. 

The main eastward continuation of the Alpine system is the 
Karawanken, a steep-sided ridge that reaches over 2000 metres 
and separates the upper Drau (Drava) basin around Klagenfurt 
from that of the upper Sava around Ljubljana. This range, 
which is crossed by several passes, notably the Wur7.cn and 
Lubelj (Loibl), terminates in the high Savinski mountains, but 
the line of relief is continued into the Pannonian plain with 
some lower hills above Maribor on the Drava. The upper 
course of the Sava follows a valley that has continued eastward 
from Friuli, where it is drained by the Tagliamento, and then 
turns southeastwards into the Ljubljana basin, around 30 miles 
long. Several small but steep-sided hills rise from this plain, 
around one of which is situated the city of Ljubljana, founded 
as the Roman colony Kmona although an inhabited area from 
at least the Late Bronze Age. On the east a limestone plateau 
rises in places to above 1000 metres but has been dissected by 
the Sava, Krka and their tributaries. Only in modern times has 
the gorge of the Sava across this area become a route, for all 
of its length by the railway and in part by a modern road. 
North of the Karawanken the river Drau rises in the High 
Tauern of Austria and at Maribor emerges from a gorge 
through the Pohorje plateau into the broad basin around Ptuj, 
site of a Roman fortress and veteran colony. Later it is joined 
by the Mur, flowing from the area of Prekomurje, some way 
below Varazdin. With its gentle relief and broad alluvial valleys 
this region marks the transition from the high Alpine mountains 
to the flat Pannonian plain, which lies mostly below the 150 
metre contour and is drained by the Danube and its two 



Rediscovery of lllyriatts 



23 



principal tributaries I is.i (Tisza) and Sava. The pan <>i the 
plain which Ins south ol the Drava is the historic region 
Slavonia, ihrough which .i double line ol hills passes from 
northwesi to southeast. The southern range commences with 
I he hills north of Zagreb which rise lu re and there above 1000 
metres, while further east the line is continued by the slightly 
lower Moslavacka and Psunj hills. The northern range com- 
mences with the Kalnik hills (643 m) and broadens eastwards 
lo lorm die Papuk and Ravna Cora which partly enclose the 
basin ol Slavonska Pozega. Around 70 miles cast of this area 
ilu narrow range of the Pruska Gora (539 m) is forested on 
the north Lice and falls steeply to the Danube, but the gentler 
southern slopes have long been cultivated and support large 
villages with vineyards. 

Hie loess plateaus which rise from the plains between the 
major rivers to heights of more than 60 metres appear to be 
lormcd of wind-blown deposits from the northeast. There is 
In tic surface drainage and wells must be dug deep. Although 
nov. fertile and intensively cultivated in some areas, for example 
•round Vukovar, in the Backa and Banat plains the settlements 
tend to be located around the margins. The old Tertiary basins 
around the Drava and Sava have been overlaid with masses of 
sediment borne down from the Alps. Now both rivers meander 
sluggishly, with many cut-offs and occasional changes of 
Course. Both have flood-plains up to five miles across, bordered 
by rising terraces to the respective plains of Podravina and 
Posavina. Here settlements were set well back from the river 
with meadows reaching to the bank and fields extending across 
the valle\ lloor. 

Hie lllyrian lands experience a wide range of climate. The 
northern plains and the mountains have the cold winters and 
•■lion hot summers of the continental climate, while the coast 
enjoys the more amenable regime of hot summers and mild 
net winters. During winter much of the plain and mountains 
have freezing temperatures, although snowfall is comparatively 
light, except towards the Adriatic. Snow is rarely seen on 
the i oast except on high ground. Summer temperatures are 
everywhere high, especially in the karst hollows near the Adri- 
atic and in the alluvial basins of Macedonia, though even here 
tlighf time cooling is significant. Rain is borne to the area on 



24 



//><■ Sean l> l>» lllyrians 



westerly winds and is consequently higher in the mountainous 
west and southwest, with from around 1200 to 2000 mm, than 
areas further east such as the Morava-Vardar corridor with 
around 750 mm. The Mediterranean receives the hulk of its 
rainfall during autumn and early spring, the plains in late spring 
and early autumn. In the matter of winds the Illyrian lands 
experience the consequences of lying astride the boundary 
between the Mediterranean and continental systems. High 
pressure in central Europe and lower pressure in the Mediter- 
ranean produces the notorious winter bura (bora), a cold dry- 
wind which sears down the Adriatic from Istria to Albania. 
Locally it can become a great danger to shipping at anchor 
and is totally destructive of any tree- or vegetation-growth, 
especially in the northern Adriatic. Similar conditions produce 
the Vardarac which blows down the Vardar during winter, 
cold and dry like the bura but much less violent. 

Except on the dry karst towards the Adriatic and the loess 
platforms around the Danube the Illyrian lands tend to be tree- 
covered, though a good deal of this has been removed through 
human activity since prehistoric times. Towards the Mediter- 
ranean the characteristic cover is the maquis, a combination 
of drought-resistant shrubs which is widespread between the 
mountains and the coast. At higher levels this can turn into 
light deciduous woodland. Where some soil is retained in the 
limestone karst an open woodland of broad-leaved trees, 
including hornbeam and varieties of oak, can develop, and 
towards the north the karst areas tend to be more densely- 
wooded with oak and beech. The interior mountains of Bosnia 
and Old Serbia are densely forested with oak and beech, a 
huge natural resource for long barely exploited. In Macedonia 
woodland is now confined to the higher ridges and plateaus 
but evidently never extended to the alluvial plains. Towards 
the north, areas such as Sumadija, whose name means "wood- 
land', have now largely been cleared for cultivation. In the 
plains few trees are to be seen, except for the stands of willow 
and poplar which cover the wetlands near the rivers. On the 
whole the Illyrian lands are among the least favoured areas of 
Mediterranean Europe in the matter of soils. These, when 
present, originate from the rock and are generally shallow with 
little formation of humus. The karst limestone is bare save for 



Rediscovery <>/ lllyriani 



25 



a lew pockets o! clay, but alluvium, albeit badly drained, covers 
the basins. In the plains ol Albania the cultivation <>l alluvial 
deposits requires irrigation during the hoi summers. Some 
valleys contain cultivable soils hut many are narrow and the 
soils have been covered with stony deposition. In some upland 
hasins ol the mountainous and lake region the alluvial and 
other deposits of dried-out lakes have produced soils of a high 
quality, though often amounting to only a small proportion of 
the Ohrid, Korce, Debar and Kukes basins. The forest soils of 
the belt of lower hills to the north of the high mountains offer 
a better reward for cultivation, while the most recent loess and 
alluvial deposits of the plains are now fully cultivated. 

The united state of the South Slavs proclaimed on I 
December 1918 comprised all the Illyrian lands except for 
Albania, where a boundary line defined with Montenegro in 
was retained. The predominantly Albanian Kosovo region 
w is also assigned to Yugoslavia. At the time Albania was in 
no position to press her claim, while the Yugoslavs were eager 
to gain northern Albania itself for its easier passage to the 
Adriatic. In the northwest the border with Italy was no less a 
problem, in a manner which mirrored the conflicting needs of 
those who inhabited the Illyrian karst plateaus and the popu- 
lation of the plains in northeast Italy in ancient times. The 
east coast of the Adriatic had for centuries been under Italian 
inlluence. Until Napoleon most of it had belonged to the 
Republic of Venice and in 1815 it passed under Austrian rule. 
An undisclosed pact in 1915 promised most of the coast and 
islands to Italy but in the final treaty Italy was confined to the 
Istrian peninsula, including the ports of Trieste and Pula, and 
lurther south Zadar and some minor islands. The Italian griev- 
ance focused on Finnic (Rijeka), an Italian port in a Croatian 
hinterland, which in 1919 was siezed by an expedition of Italian 
patriots. After the Treaty of Rapallo (1920) had proclaimed it a 
free city Fiume was ev entually- annexed to Italy under Mussolini 
(1924), leaving merely the eastern suburb of Susak as the 
wholely inadequate Adriatic harbour for northwest Yugoslavia. 
After the Second World War the Yugoslav need for an adequate 
Adriatic port was acknowledged with the award of almost all 
Istria, along with the Julian Alps. Unfortunately, Trieste was 
denied and a wholely artificial frontier line from Gorizia on 



I'he Seari h fat lllyrians 



the Isonzo to Kopcr (Capodistria) ten miles behind the coasi 
left the once-great port of Trieste bereft ol us natural hinter- 
land. Along the Dalmatian coast all Italian possessions were 
assigned to Yugoslavia, the first occasion since the end of the 
Roman Empire when the entire area was politically integrated 
with the interior. 

The stirring of Albanian nationalism in the late nineteenth 
century was prompted less by a desire for freedom than by the 
fear of being partitioned between an enlarged Greece and Ser- 
bia. They resisted the encroachments of the Montenegrins sanc- 
tioned by the Congress of Berlin in 1878, while their hostility 
to an increasingly oppressive Turkish regime culminated in the 
rebellion of 1912 which brought a declaration of Albanian 
independence before the end of the year. The Greeks and Slavs 
objected to the new state, the latter eager to join Serbia with 
the Adriatic via the route from Ohrid. The Montenegrins had 
designs on the north, while the Greeks were more than willing 
to take over southern Albania with its large Orthodox popu- 
lation. Across the Adriatic, Italy was a supporter of the new 
state, confidently anticipating the prospect of increased influ- 
ence across the strait. Though the Great Powers consented, 
Albanian independence remained precarious until 1920 when 
it was formally accepted by Italy, which retained possession 
of the small island Sazani (Saseno) in the Bay of Vlora 
(Valeria). Kosovo and the Metohija, which in 1912 the Turks 
had been prepared to include with their offer of an auton- 
omous Albanian province, was in 1920 finally ceded to 
Yugoslavia. During the Second World War the Albanians 
gained temporary control of the area while under Italian rule- 
but gave it up in 1945 without protest, in spite of its Albanian 
majority. The rupture of relations between Yugoslavia and 
the rest of the communist bloc in 1948 was marked by a 
renewed hostility towards the Yugoslavs, a change which, in 
the eyes of most Albanians, was a satisfactory return to the 
natural state of affairs. At the time of writing the old dispute 
has once more reached a state of crisis. Federal Yugoslavia 
faces disintegration while a bid for autonomy, or even inde- 
pendence, by Kosovo has been suppressed by an increasingly 
nationalistic Serbian Republic. The battleground of this con- 
flict has now been extended to the area of prehistory. The 



Rediscovery --/ Ufyrhmt 



27 



long-standing Albanian claim l<>i a continuity ol descent 
from the ancient lllyrians is now accompanied by arguments 
rhai Kosovo and Metohija form parts ol an ancient lllynan 
homeland thai should naturally be joined with the rest of 
modern Albania. 



1 



Prehistoric lllyrians 



IHyrian origins: Stone and Bronze Ages 1 

The earliest testimony of man's presence in the Illyrian lands are 
stone hand-axes and' pebbles broken for use as chopping tools. 
Elsewhere in Europe these are dated to 200,000-100,000 iu , 
in the Lower Palaeolithic era. These, however, are merely scat- 
tered finds and the earliest traces of occupation come from 
several caves used at intervals over many thousands of years. 
In Montenegro, Crvena Stijcna, at Petrovici near Niks.c, was 
found to contain 9 metres of debris in which were 31 levels of 
deposition with 15 -cultural horizons'. More than 23,000 stone 
objects were found bearing signs of having been struck or 
worked. In Level 24 (counting from the top where the latest 
deposit belonged to the bronze Age) there was a thick intcr- 
glacial deposit which could be dated to the Last lnterglacial 
period, that is before the advances of the great Alpine ice caps 
dated 200,000 to 100,000 bc. From the levels beneath came 
the flint-making flakes of the Levalloisian technique, industries 
of the Proto-Mousterian and Mousterian types. From the end 
of the Last lnterglacial (65,000 bc) a rock shelter in a sandstone 
bluff above a tributary of the river Drava at Krapina, not far 
from Zagreb, has an accumulation of 8 metres, with the lower 
6 metres being sealed by a later stalagmite deposit. Around 

' Prehistory of Albania: Prendi 1982, 1988, Korkuti 1983b and Cabanes 
1986; of Yugoslavia: Novak e. al. 1971, Alexander 1972, Benac et al. 
1979a-c, 1983. 



Prehistnrii lllyrlani 



600 fragments <>i human bones included the remains (-1 at least 
I i men, women .mil children. I hen teeth indicated a similarity 
to Neanderthal Man but in ..Our respects they resembled 
modern man [homo sapiens). I In n look were Hakes ol flint 
and other local rocks. 

From the Upper Palaeolithic (< .40,000-8000 bc) no bones 
D | modern man have vet come to light, but his presence is 
..nested in several places by blade industries. The known sites 
have been identified with the principal divisions of the West 
I uropean Palaeolithic, Aurignacian, Gravettian and Magdalen- 
sun, but so far few scientific dates have been obtained through 
Carbon 14. The general character of these industries has sug- 
gested links with the northeast, namely I lungary and western 
Romania. In Crvena Stijena the most widespread and oldest 
Aurignacian had been found along with the remains of red 
deer, wild cattle and goats. The Aurignacian and Gravettian 
industries which occur on the plains and in northern Bosnia 
(Kamen, Doboj, Grabovca brdo, Luscici, Usova and Visoko 
brdo) are generally linked with hunting of the mammoth. I he 
,.ives used bv early man in these lands are devoid of paintings 
or carvings, though there may well be some in areas yet to bc 
fully explored. This prospect is encouraged by finds of carvings 
on a rock face at Lipci, near Risan and Morinj on the Gulf of 
Kotor in Montenegro. The subjects include deer and some 
geometric (sub-rectangular) shapes. The Lipci carvings are so 
far unique in the Balkan region and their date is unknown. 

The Mesolithic or Middle Stone Age (c.8000-c.6000 bc) 
continued the traditions of hunting, food-gathering and fishing 
which had developed in the Palaeolithic, and changes in style 
of living began onlv with the appearance of farming and settle- 
ments which distinguish the Neolithic or New Stone Age. Dur- 
ing post-glacial times the lands east of the Adriatic began to 
take on the character and appearance they possess today. As 
the ice caps along the Adriatic-Danube watershed started to 
melt deciduous trees began to cover the plains and hills, while 

-Crvena Stijena: Baslcr 1971 and Baslcr et al. 1975; Krapina: Alexander 
1 1 '~2 

'Adriatic region: Basler 1983; Lipci: Pusic 1971, also Brodar and Brodar 
1983 (Aurignacian hunter complex in Slovenia). 



|() 



/ /><• Search /<>» lllyriam 



open lands in the Danube basin saw the spread •>! grasslands 
where flourished cereal plants, including wheal, barley, oats 
and rye, later domesticated by man. In the woods and moun- 
tains there dwelt animals that are still typical of the region, 
deer, wild cattle, pigs and goats. 4 

Farming communities first appear in the lands between the 
Adriatic and the Danube in the context of the Starcevo Cul- 
ture (V.6000-4500 bc), named after a site on the Danube a 
little below Belgrade. These arc at present the earliest farming 
groups known north of the Vardar valley, and did not gener- 
ally spread beyond the plains around Belgrade, that is north- 
ern Serbia, the Banat and Vojvodina. Some settlements of 
this culture have been found in eastern Bosnia at Gornja 
Tuzla, Obre north of Sarajevo, Varos, and also at Vucedol 
in Croatia (see figure 2). In northern Albania the Early 
Neolithic has been identified along the middle course of the 
black Drin at Burim, farther upstream at Rajce and, in a later 
phase, at Kolsh near Kukes at the Drin confluence. In Central 
Albania the sites at Blaz in the Mat valley and in the Korce 




Figure 2 Reconstruction of Vucedol Eneolithic settlement 
- 1 Malez and Osole 1971. 



Prehistory lllyriam 



basin arc akin to the Adriatii Neolithic, identified ai SrnilcK 

ncai Zadar. The sites were exidentb well choSCll and continued 
in occupation sometimes for thousands ol years. As occupation 
debus accumulated to form an artificial mound or 'tell', the 
many stratified layers have enabled archaeologists to construct 
elaborate chronologies, not only lor individual sites but also 
relative to main others. From these has been deduced a 'spread 
or 'advance' of farming methods, in the form of a slow north- 
ward movement towards the Middle Danube, that brought an 
in< i ease in population and which either eliminated or integrated 
older communities of hunters and gatherers.' 

The economy of these Neolithic farming 'tell'-sites was a 
mix of cereal' farming, animal domestication and hunting 
and fishing. Crops included wheat, barley, millet and beans; 
livestock included cattle, pigs, sheep and goats. Implements 
included ground stone tools, axes and adzes, with large flaked 
tools as scrapers and sickle blades. Obsidian, a natural vol- 
canic form of glass obtained from Hungary, was also used 
for tools. Bone provided the material for needles, spoons and 
spatulas, and clay was baked for loom-weights and spindle- 
whorls. Human and animal figurines made of clay resemble 
those found in Greece and Asia Minor. They have a cylindri- 
cal shape, with no limbs and the head indicated only by 
incisions for the detail of features. The principal evidence for 
recognizing the successive phases and associations of these 
early farming communities consists of hand-made pottery 
,,1 fired clay in a variety of forms, decorated with finger 
impressions,' applied cordons and incised lines. South of the 
watershed farming methods had reached the southern Adri- 
atic coast by the middle of the sixth millenium. Pottery with 
incised and impressed ornament associated with ground stone 
implements has been found in many sites on the Dalmatian 
coast and islands. The large ditched enclosure at Smilcic near 
Zadar produced impressed pottery vessels similar to those of 
southern Italy, and the same pottery has been found on the 



'Serbian Neolithic: Srcjovic 1988; Gornja Tuzla: Covic 1971a; Obre: 
Benac 197?; Varos: Bcnac 1971c; Vucedol: Schmidt 1945; also Divostin: 
McPherron and Srejovic 1988. Albanian sites: Korkuti 1987. 



32 



The Search foi lllyrians 



northern Adriatic islands (res, Krk .mil M.ili l.oJinj in the 
Kvarncr Gulf and on the mainland in t.ivi-s <>l the Vclebil 
mou mains.'' 

The next phase of the Neolithic farming era in the Middle 
Danube is named from the site of Vinca, which is also on 
the Danube below Belgrade. The Vinca Culture 
(c.4500-4000 bc:) around the southern edge of the Danube 
basin marks the spread of farming into the hills and valleys 
on the south and west towards the mountains and the Adri- 
atic. The mixed economy based on cereals and livestock of 
this culture was similar to Starcevo but it is distinguished by- 
its pottery which exhibits a greater variety of form and 
ornament. The shapes include carinated and straight-sided 
bowls with three- or four-footed pedestals, "altars', or tables, 
with hollow feet and pots decorated with animal features. 
The decoration consists of burnishing in patterns and incised 
ribbon and maeander designs. For all the impression of inno- 
vation which this material conveys there is no evidence that 
the Vinca settlements represent any large-scale immigration 
into the lands west and south of the Middle Danube. Along 
the Adriatic coast the newer farming communities are dis- 
tinguished by their painted pottery. This shows similarities 
with the pottery of Greece and Italy and also with the Trieste 
region (Vlasko Culture). It is named Danilo Culture from the 
long occupied hill settlement of Danilo Gornje near Sibcnik, 
where the remains include 24 huts with floors partly paved 
with stone. There was an active stone-working tradition, 
while the pottery falls into two types, a painted ware with 
Italian connections and a burnished ware with spiral and 
maeander patterns. Danilo settlements are numerous along the 
coast and on the islands, in particular Hvar, but did not spread 
inland. There are no traces of early farming in the mountains 
and high valleys of Bosnia or Montenegro. In Albania the 
middle Neolithic has been identified at the settlements of Cak- 
ran on the lower Vijose and at Dunarec in the Korce basin. 



"Adriatic Neolithic: Batovic 1971a (Smildc), 1976a, Mirosavljcvic 1971 
(Crcs), Rapanic 1984 (Cetina valley}. 



I'rehistorh iHyriam 



Hi, closest tics appeal to be with the Danilo Culture ol the 
Dalmatian AiIh.uk and the earl) phase ol Kakanj (Obre) in 
Bosnia, and also with some groups in southern Italy. 

Though metal objects do appear sporadically among 
Implements of Neolithic farming communities, especially in 
Bosnia and on the Adriatic, the knowledge of metal-working 
and the use of implements of metal came late to the western 
Balkans. The spread of copper and bronze was a slow process: 
ii was barely complete by around 2000 hc: and even then for 
mil in u s alter the use of metal was confined to a few simple 
forms of implement. Though it continues much debated, it 
seems to be still the view of some archaeologists that the spread 
ol metal in the Danube lands was marked by a large-scale 
migration of new people into the area from steppes of western 
Asia and the Black Sea region. Moreover, many believe that 
this was the only major movement of population in the area, 
the later Aegean migrations that marked the end of the Bronze- 
Age (1200 bc) being merely a southward shift of Balkan and 
lower Danube communities towards the Aegean and the Near 
I ast. Hie three phases of the Bronze Age in the western Balkans, 
Early Bronze 1900/1800-1600/1500 bc, Middle Bronze 
1 600/1 500-c. 1300 bc. and Late Bronze to <-.1200 bc, appear 
to be later and less sophisticated versions of those in the Danube 
basin, the eastern Balkans and the Carpathians, all of which 
reached full development by the end of the third millenium. 
Archaeologists currently believe that a gradual formation of 
local cultures and the ethnic groups they are judged to represent 
took place during the latest phase of the Stone Age (Eneolithic), 
and that these were consolidated rather than curtailed by the 
arrival of newcomers from the east. It is also suggested, though 
not uncontested, that these newcomers were Indo-European 
speakers. A symbiosis between these and the existing communi- 
ties resulted in the formation of the principal tribal groups of 
what are now called the Palaeo-Balkan peoples. On this, it is 
suggested, there is warrant to base the hypothesis of an 
unbroken continuity in population from the Early Bronze Age 



Vlasko: Barficld 1 971, 53-4; Danilo: Korosec 1958; Hvar: Novak 1955, 
1971; Cakran: Korkuti and Andrea 1975; Dunavec: Korkuti 1975. 



The Seati h /<>» Ulyrians 



down to the firsl historical records ol Balkan peoples. In this 
equation the principal regional groups defined by characteristics 
of their material culture are then identified with historical 
groups thus: East Balkan Bronze Age represents I hracians, the 
Balkano-Danubian the 'proto Daco-Moesians', and the West 
Balkan the Ulyrians. 8 

In the western Balkans there are few remains to connect with 
these bronze-using 'proto-Illyrians', except in western Serbia 
and eastern Bosnia. Moreover, with the notable exception of 
Pod near Bugojno in the upper valley of the Vrbas, nothing is 
known of their settlements. Some hill settlements have been 
identified in western Serbia but the main evidence comes from 
cemeteries, consisting usually of a small number of burial 
mounds (tumuli). In eastern Bosnia at the cemeteries of Bel otic 
and Bela Crkva the rites of inhumation and cremation are 
found, with skeletons in stone cists and cremations in urns. 
Metal implements appear here side by side with those of stone. 
Most of the remains belong to the fully developed Middle 
Bronze Age. Similar burials have been discovered on the Glasi- 
nac plateau east of Sarajevo; several mounds are known to 
have remained in use from the beginning of the Bronze Age. 
Here inhumation is the dominant rite. The metal objects found 
at these sites tend to be of Central European origin and remain 
in use down to Iron Age times. It is these Bronze Age communi- 
ties which have been identified as ancestors of the historical 
Ulyrians. 9 

Outside western Serbia and eastern Bosnia not a lot is known 
of early metal-using communities. Objects of metal occur in 
the established Neolithic settlements at Butmir and Lisicici and 
in some of the caves on Hvar (Grabak and Zelena Pccina), 
where bronze axe-picks, axe-hammers, chisels and flat axes 
were in use by around 2000 bc. The impression of continuity 
from the age of stone to that of metal comes also from the 
cave dwelling at Hrustovaca Pecina in the Sana valley and 
the Debelo Brdo hill-settlement overlooking Sarajevo, which 
acquired defences around this time. The pottery in use here 

»M, Garasanin 1982a, 1988a. 

''Pod, Bugojno: Covic 1971b, 1975b; Belotic and Bela Crkva: D. and M 
Garasanin 1971b; Glasinac: Benac and Covic 1956, Covic 1980-1. 



Prehistorh Ulyriani 



shows similarities with thai ol metal using communities in the 
|ava and Drava valleys (Vuccdol and Slavonian cultures) and 
||fO, though in much smaller quantiiics, with pottery in the 
Hvar cues. A distinguishing feature of the Bronze Age is the 
practice of raising mounds ot soil or stone above the burials 
..I individuals. This was accompanied by an elaborate ritual, 
Indicated by encircling rings of stones and the deposition of 
precious objects as grave goods, including battle axes and 
daggers. In Albania the first metal-using culture (Chalcolithic, 
2600—2100 bc) is represented in the first and second levels at 
Maliq in the Korce basin (see figure 3). The early houses were 
erected on oak piles, then later ones directly on the ground 
with walls of bundled reeds. Implements were of flint, polished 
gtonc, bone, horn and clay (weights for fishing nets) and 
included also copper axes, spearheads, needles and fish-hooks. 
There are links with other Balkan sites of this period, notably 
Buhanj in southern Serbia and Krivodol in Bulgaria, as well as 
some correspondences with Macedonian sites. Albanian 
irchaeologists stress the essentially local character of this cul- 
ture, where the earlier traditions have been detected as per- 
suing even in newer phases that have been associated with a 
new immigrant ruling class. 1 " 

This rather tidy portrayal of a succession of early farming 
cultures using ground and flaked stone tools and then some 
largely imported metal implements comes to an end with the 
middle phase of the Bronze Age (1 600/1. 500-c. 1300 bc). The 
change is signified by the manifest ability of the people some 
identify as 'proto-Illyrians' to exploit the rich mineral deposits 
of Bosnia and Slovenia, notably copper, tin and gold. The 
techniques of using two- and three-piece moulds, casting-on, 
hammering and annealing become commonplace. The hoards 
of working tools and ingots testify to the specialist smith, and 
(hose of finished metal goods to the activity of the travelling 
merchant. Hitherto the Adriatic coast and hinterland were 
remote from the main centres of stone-using farmers and the 
first spread of metal. The balance now shifts in the sense that 



111 Butmir: Munra 1900, 189-217; Lisicici: Benac 1971a; Dalmatia: Marovic 
1976a, 1981; Maliq: Prcndi 1977-8. 



Tbt Sf.n. b /in UfyHam 




Figure 1 Remains of Neolithic pile-dwellings at Maliq, Albania 



the Dalmatian coast is joined by sea routes with Italy and the 
Aegean. Bronze objects reflecting contacts with the latter 
include double axes, daggers, rapiers and ingots in the form of 
miniature ox-hides, while links with the north are to be seen 
in the trapeze-hiltcd dirk from the island of Osor and brooches 
from Unesic near Sibenik. A few imports from the Mycenaean 
Bronze Age of southern Greece, including a sword and some 



/ wire 4 Tumulus burial with central grave at I'azbok, Albania 



pottery on Hvar, may represent seaborne trade. The middle of 
i In second millennium may have seen the beginnings of the 
I, .uk in amber objects down the Adriatic, from the south shore 
<>l the Baltic via the Vistula, Slovakia and around the eastern 
Alps to the head of the Adriatic. A relatively sudden expansion 
oi external contacts may be reflected in an increased occurrence 
ol weapons around the Adriatic. 11 

In Albania evidence for the Middle and Later Bronze Ages 
I, .2000-1200 bc) comes mainly from Maliq and from other 
sirs in the Korce' basin and from the Mat valley in the north- 
west. At Maliq there is a break in continuity with earlier 
Cultures, which some have linked with the arrival of Indo- 
luropean speakers in the Korce basin. Their appearance is 
signified by pottery with corded decoration, and was followed 
k a process of fusion with existing communities. This period 
lees the beginning of the tumulus burials at Pazhok in the 
Devoll valley (see figure 4) and, slightly later, at Bare, in the 
(Corce basin. The Middle Bronze Age (identified with Maliq 
phase UIc) is held to represent a period of 'consolidation' and 
is also represented at the Nezir cave in the Mat valley. In 
this era the external links are predominantly with the Aegean 
cultures, from which imported objects include swords, daggers, 

" Baiovic 1980a. 



The Sean h /•" Ulyriant 



spearheads, knives and sickles. I'hc varied and clcgani forms 
of Late Bronze Age pottery (Maliq Hid; fifteenth twelfth centur- 
ies bc:) are decorated in red and ochre in geometric patterns, 
identified by Albanian archaeologists as 'Devollian ware" and 
believed to have remained in use unaltered until the end of the 
Iron Age. A wider distribution in Macedonia and Epirus is the 
basis for suggestions of a southward and eastward movement 
of Illyrian peoples. The large haul of bronze objects from burial 
tumuli, some of which continued in use for several centuries, 
include some local types, notably 'Skodran' axes found in 
northern Albania along with imported double axes and swords. 
Later these Aegean forms were to be replaced by northern 
types, among them socketed axes and tongue-grip swords. 12 

|ust as ancient writers could discover no satisfactory general 
explanation for the origin of Illyrians, so most modern scholars, 
even though now possessed of a mass of archaeological and 
linguistic evidence, can assert with confidence only that Illyrians 
were not an homogeneous ethnic entity, though even that is 
today challenged with vigour by historians and archaeologists 
working within the perspective of modern Albania. Notions 
once widely canvassed of a 'proto-Illyrian' people of Indo- 
European origin once widespread across Europe were always 
at best unproven and have now been generally discarded. In 
the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century, belief in the 
existence of a European sub-stratum of now vanished Illyrians 
was an attractive idea to those bent on emphasizing the pure 
Aryan origin of the nordic peoples of Europe. In the other 
direction there seems now to bc increasing scepticism towards 
theories of direct Illyrian involvement in the movement of new- 
peoples into Greece at the end of the second millennium bc. 
Similarly, many have now discarded the simple identification 
of European Illyrians with the Urnficld Culture of Late Bronze 
Age Central Europe. This particular equation stemmed from 
the 'pan-Illyrian' theories propounded early this century by 
philologists who could discover traces of Illyrians scattered 
across the linguistic map of Europe." 

12 Mat valley (Burrcl): Kurti 198.?; Pazhok: Bodinaku 1982; Bare.: Andrea 
1976b, 1977-8; Nezir: Andrea 1985, Prendi 1984 (axes). 
"Illyrian cthnogencsis: Korkuti 1982, Prendi 1985b. 



Prehistorh Ulyriant 



A more ..hiii. .us reconstruction o! Illyrian origins or 'ethnog- 
cnesis' has emerged from archaeologists ai Sarajevo, notably 
A. Bcnac and IV Covic. Working from the relative abundance 
ol prehistoric remains in Bosnia and adjacent areas, they suggest 
that during the Bronze Age there look place a progressive 
illyrianization' ot peoples dwelling in the lands between the 
S.n.i and the Adriatic. Since their homeland lay aside from the 
mam route of migration across southeast Europe the movement 
ol peoples at the end of the Bronze Age had relatively little 
impact on them. On the other hand, the beginnings of the Iron 
Age around 1000 iu is held to coincide with the formation of 
the historical Illyrian peoples. This hypothesis, based on a large 
mass of evidence, well excavated and fully analysed, has an 
internal consistency that is impressive and appears now to 
command the field. On the other hand, its value for Illyrian 
origins as a whole is limited, not least because it largely ignores 
the many contacts and presumed interactions between Illyrians 
and other cultures, notably those of the Mediterranean. More- 
over, the 'Bosnia-centred' theory offers no explanation for the 
origins of differences between peoples historically designated 
as Illyrian, such as those between the Liburni in the northwest 
ami the 'real Illyrians' of the southeast, in what is now Mon- 
ti negro and northern Albania. It is, however, equally difficult 
i.. accept the view that such differences are due principally to 
lite survival of populations with older cultures later subsumed 
into the family of the Indo-European-speaking Illyrians. Cur- 
rent theories of Illyrian ethnogenesis cannot fail to impress 
through their weight of archaeological evidence; but material 
remains alone can never tell the whole story and can mislead. 
Also, while it is true that Pan-Illyrian theories have been set 
aside, the questions which prompted their formulation still 
remain: there are traces of Illyrian names, and some historical 
tradition, for the presence of Illyrian peoples in parts of Europe 
beyond the limits of their historical homelands, and also in 
Asia Minor. What one is to make of these remains a problem. 
In general the linguistic evidence for Illyrians in Greece, Asia 
Minor and Italy is yet to bc interpreted. In the case of Italy 
there is not only the testimony of names from literary sources 
and inscriptions but also indications in the archaeological evi- 
dence that there was a movement of peoples across the Adriatic 



•in 



/ />(• Si .iii h fin llhri.ms 



into Italy during the firsi century of the firsi millennium 
(1000-900 bc). Nonetheless the theory ol an lllyrian migration 
across the Adriatic lias been challenged hy A. Bcnac, who 
argues that the lllyrian linguistic and material remains in Italy- 
need amount to no more than the result ot several centuries of 
commercial intercourse. In sum, the destructive impact of later 
research on the earlier generalizations regarding lllyrians should 
be regarded as a step forward. The problem remains for prehis- 
torians how to construct a valid scheme of analysis with which 
to tackle the formation of lllyrians. 14 

Iron Age lllyrians 1 ' 5 

The five centuries between the Late Bronze Age (1.300/1200 
bc) and the middle of the eighth century witnessed not only 
the spread of iron use and iron-working but mark for Greece 
and neighbouring lands the beginning of recorded history, when 
names and events are preserved and descriptions of peoples 
and places were first written down. The same period saw 
movements of people southwards to Macedonia, Greece and 
Asia Minor from the direction of the Danube and the southern 
Balkans. The years 1200-1050 bc, during which there took 
place in Greece the decline of Mycenaean fortresses and the 
beginning of the classical city-states, arc marked among lllyri- 
ans by a rich material culture and contacts with the Aegean 
world. These links were then broken and were nor to be re- 
created until around 800 bc:. During the Early or Hallstatt 
(named from the site near Salzburg in Austria) Iron Age (mid- 
eighth to mid-fourth century bc), the first phase of lllyrian 
history, the principal external influences were the Greek Aegean 
and northern Italy (Bologna and Este). Though widespread 
from the seventh century onwards the Greeks had relatively 

14 lllyrian formation: Bcnac 1964, 1976, M. Garasanin 1988a; lllyrians in 
S. Italy: Benac 1988. 

" Early Iron Age in Yugoslavia: Covic and Gabrovcc 1971, .VI. Garasanin 
1982b, Vasic 1 973, Benac ct al. 1987, Gabrovcc 1964-5, 1966a (Slovenia), 
Vasic 1977 (chronology), Jevtic 1983 (pottery). In Albania: Prcndi 1975a. 
1985a, Hammond 1982a. 



Prehistory Ulyriant 



41 



little impaci on the ni.uen.il culture ol the southern lllyrians 
(Bosnia, Serbia, Montenegro and Albania) until the expansion 
..I M.Ketloiua in the fourth century. By way of contrast the 
Communities in Croatia, Slovenia and western Bosnia were 
deeply influenced by the Italic cultures, especially in parts of 
Slovenia (lower Carniola). An invasion of horse-riding and 
. .in driving 'Thraco-Cimmerians' from the direction of the 
Black Sea was once thought to have influenced the western 
Balkans at the start of the Iron Age but this is now doubted. 
On the other hand, the expansion of Achaemenid Persia into 
the southern Balkans is believed to be the likely explanation 
loi significant cultural influences from that direction during 
the late sixth and early fifth centuries. 16 

Since the first excavations at the end of the nineteenth century 
the ( ilasinac group has been the best known of the Late Bronze 
and Early Iron Age communities in the western Balkans. Their 
. i utie is the Glasinac plateau east of Sarajevo, but the complex 
ol material culture now extends to include sites in western 
Serbia around Uz.ice (Razana, Kriva Reka, Godljcvo, Strpci, 
1'il.iiovici and others) and in northern Montenegro (GotovuSa 
Bnd Barakovac). Linked with Glasinac are groups around Sara- 
|cvo (Debelo Brdo, Zlatistc and Sobunar), in northeast Bosnia 
(Dvorovi near Bjelina), in Serbia (Sabac, Mramorac, Umcari, 
Novi Bazar and others), in northern Albania (Mat, Burrel, 
Cjnamak, Kushi and others) and the adjacent southern Adriatic 
(Gubavica near Mostar, Radimlja, Plana, Kacanj, Mosko, Lju- 
bomir, Glogovik and others). The typical Glasinac settlement 
is a fortified hill-top (see figure 5a), of which not one has yet 
been fully examined. Burials consist of skeletons beneath earth 
tumuli defined by stone circles of around ten metres diameter 
and often contain two to four graves (see figure 5b). Down to 
the sixth century tumuli occur in groups of around ten but 
later the number increases. Major tombs contain a central 
burial surrounded by rough stones, with secondary burials 
around, outside the stone enclosure and generally orientated 
east-west. The graves are often rich in finds but the con- 
tents vary. The presence of quantities of weapons indicate a 



" Etruscan influences: Stare 1975. 




Figure 5 

a) Plan of settlements on the Glasinac plateau 



(bi 



(c) 




Figure 5 (Continued 
b) Chieftain burial at Glasinac (Ilijak, Tumulus II) 
c) Bronze greaves from Glasinac burial 



44 



The Search l«> Ulyriam 




Figure 5 Continued 
d) Design of ship incised on bronze greaves from Glasinac 



dominant warrior class (sec figures 5c and 5d). An increase in 
cremation graves during the late sixth and early fifth centuries 
may reflect a collapse of the tribal structure and change in 
prevailing religious belief.' 7 

Settlements and associated burials persisted at Glasinac until 
the late fourth century, having continued without significant 
interruption from the developed (Middle) Bronze Age. It has 
been estimated that at the height of its prosperity from the 
eighth to sixth centuries the population of the area had 
increased by a factor of seven. The emergence of a local ruling 
elite suggested by tombs containing prestigious imports marks 
a concentration of power in eastern Bosnia comparable with 
that which appeared around a century later in Slovenia. During 
the sixth century the rulers of Glasinac may have been 
expanding their power in several directions. Nevertheless Glasi- 
nac itself remained out of direct contact with the Greek world, 
an isolation that may have accelerated a decline after the early- 
fifth century. The rapid falling-away in the number of burials 
before the end of the fourth century seems to indicate a general 
desolation, probably marked by the departure of whole groups 
towards the expanding world of Greece and Macedonia. 

Excavations of tumuli in northern and central Albania have 



Glasinac culture: Benac and Covic 1957, Covic 1979, Govedarica 1978. 



Prehlstorh Ulyriam 



45 



furnished significant evidence foi the southernmost lllynans. 
I he .ilea known to the ducks as lllyris lay between the Lakes 
and the Adriatic, and included the valleys of the Black and the 
united Drin, Mat, Shkumbin and Seman, and the coastal plain 
as far south as the river Vijose. In the Zadrime plain around 
the lower Ian and Mat most tombs contain single warrior- 
I'.i.ivcs with numerous weapons. In the cemetery at Burrel there 
Brc 80 tumuli ot this type. In character and content these graves 
match those of Glasinac and there can be no doubt that there 
w as some connection between the two groups though the nature 
ol that link remains a subject of debate between Yugoslav and 
Albanian archaeologists. Burials continued down to the fourth 
» i iit in y, though in decreasing numbers. Down to the end of 
the sixth century an abundance of weapons, including spears, 
v iu\ ed swords, knives, battle-axes and, in a few cases, bronze 
. uii.isses, helmets and greaves, is testimony to the power of a 
Warrior class. Their jewellery and bronze brooches are also 
similar to those found in Glasinac burials. Gcmcterics of tumuli 
have been explored in the Drin valley between Debar and 
kukes, notably at Ginamak (67 tumuli), Kenete' (see figure 6) 
and Kruma. Several features of their construction, including 
enclosing the burial within stone slabs, of ritual, such as smash- 
ing pots on the surface of the rising tumulus, and content, 
including a taste for amber ornaments, link these communities 
with those of the Mat valley to the west. The earliest tumuli 
date from the Late Bronze Age and some continued in use as 
late as the fourth century. Linked with these groups are those 
whose tumuli cemeteries with cremations lie across the Yugos- 
lav border in southern Kosovo (Dibicak near Suva Reka and 
Komaja near Prizren), whose iron weapons, two-handled cups 
ami poor-quality ornaments match those from graves at Kenete 
anil Kruma. At the same time the burials in Zadrime and the 
Mat differ from those of the Drin valley, which also continued 
down to the fourth century, in the use of iron for weapons but 
bronze for ornament. In the latter iron is employed for both, 
while silver pins occur in burials of the late sixth century. 18 

Prehistoric tumuli in N. Albania: Kurti 1985, 1987 (Burrel), 1971, 1976a 
(Mat), Hoti 1982 (Bardhoc), Jubani 1982 (Kruma), 1983 (Kcnctc); in 
Kosovo: Jubani 1985, 1986a, Slavkovid-Djuri 1964 (Suva Reka), Djuric 



f 7'j tumuli at Pazhok 
ln antral Albania * e ^l ge °Vl300 bc) but would 
commenced in the Late Ag^ J» an J.°^ 

appear to have Furt her east in the Korc ba m 

tumuli have yet : to be _ explore mmu , us at Bar, 41m 

which lies south of the Lakes, tn b Bronzc Age. 

diameter) contained a P^S^n to be inserted into 
£ insiderable interval buna b | , 
*e mound and continued for arou ^ ^ 

-ound 850 bc: So than the succession of 

representing a *£™b»|d £ d e Uery and 

ornat^^ 



(I inijcvo pol|«)- 



than those in the Mat * J 

KriaU .. tew miles to the wmdi ' at *uc extensl0n 0 

K in, which so far represent ^ ^ earlier 0 f two tumul 
Jhe' Glasinac Mat matena cu ^ c J ations in ur „s and many 

, diameter) contained fi - h wcR . st one-Uned 

, ,,,,„„ burials in ™^ s \"T wwn „ ,hem swords, spears, 
Manv weapons were recovered, a inc lude bronze 
S rows knlcs and choppers w c onun^ from 
bracelets, beads and pend « ; *h > suggc stion is that these 

, ghth centuries, nicse mchide ^ 1 t he 

«L BiHsht in the south, and me & v leadmg t0 

;;co,nrolling the ^ofs pass Gr>^ sec ' ond ulus at 
, „ e Prespa Lake, lhe 18 bur aL ^ 
Kuc . Zi, beginning around the mm . Glasinac ' |ewel- 

5 Mclean graves with few wc ^ *** } , ocal forms but 
C s Some of the pottery is hand m Greck . ^ d 

most is wheel-made and ^ Gree^ d * 

oottery was also found and there _w deceased. The 

s'of sheet gold tied across 4e faces ^ ^ at 
l u , rU ed differences matC r,al culture ^between a 

, /, may represent the origins a nd one wUh 

ru l ing dynasty of northern \ nme after the 

uthem connections that ruled ^ until reconstru ct,on 

5*fc " f * e Si i* SSJfa^ an Ulyrian dynasty being 
( | Ummond) we have the e% men hcrn hpirus.' 

Placed by a ( - haon ^\^ T southeast borders o the 
Vhe commumties on J»««J^ , n soutncrn Serbia and 

are rcpKSC " tc y 

--r-^tf^W^ 

* 



48 



Tha Stan h />" iUyriatu 



cemeteries of 'flat' urn-burials dated mainly i<> the eighth cen 
tury. Those at Donja Brnjica, < lornja Straiava, Donja Toponica 
(which continues into the seventh century), Karagac, and 
others, represent a distinct local group (Donja Brnjica). The 
burial urns were covered with stone slabs, abov e which, in the 
case of later burials, a mound of earth was raised. These 
cemeteries appear to represent communities which had 
developed from earlier local groups and exhibit few signs of 
outside contacts. Further south another local group has been 
identified in southern Kosovo around Suva Reka in the Topluga 
basin north of Prizren, where sites include the hill-forts Belace- 
vac and Hisar and cremation graves at Siroko. The settlements 
and cemeteries of this group, which has similarities with those 
in the Black Drin valley, were in use between the eighth and 
fifth centuries. 2 " 

In northern Serbia the hilly country south of Belgrade has 
produced several hoards and tombs of the late eighth and 
seventh centuries (Rudovci, Barajcvo, Rodisic, Zirovnica, Roz- 
anci, Rtanj, Aljudov Manastirica, etc.). Their contents have 
been compared with those from burials across the Danube 
in southwest Transylvania (Bilvancs,ti-Vint), Wallachia (Balta 
Verde and (Jura Padinci) and also in Bulgaria (Drzhanica). East 
of the river Morava tumulus burials containing both skeletons 
and cremations of the late seventh and sixth centuries have 
been identified as a group from the metal-working centre at 
Zlot, a cave-site in eastern Serbia (Vrtiste, Vranovo, Dub, 
Konopnica). The associated black-burnished pottery appears to 
belong to the Basarabi tradition of southwest Romania, which 
extends into northwest Serbia and Slavonia. Pins characteristic 
of the Zlot group occur at several sires in northwest Bulgaria, 
mainly west of the river Iskar. The presence of both burial rites 
beneath tumuli has been interpreted as the result of the local 
tradition (cremation) being mixed with burial customs originat- 
ing from the area of Glasinac and also from the south. 21 

Large quantities of material have been recovered from burials 

20 Srejovic 1971 (Donja Brnjica), 197? (Karagac), Trbuhovic and Trbuhovic 
1970 (Donja Toponica), Erccgovic-Pavlovic and Kostic 1988 (S.Serbia) 

21 Vasic 1972, Dumitrcscu 1976 (Basarabi), Kosoric 1976 (Drina basin), 
Stojic 1986 {Morava basin). 



Prehistorii Ulyriant 



4 l > 



in areas bordering Illyrian lands on the southeast, the historical 
regions ol Pclagonia around Bitola, Paconia around Slip, along 
with the middle section of the Vardar (Axios) valley, north of 
the Demir Kapij.i gorge, historic I ychnilis around Ohrid and 
m Dardania around Skopje in the upper Vardar basin. Among 
the many tumuli surviving in Pclagonia only Visoi has so far 
been hilly investigated. A central grave aligned west-east, lined 
anil covered with stones, was surrounded by dozens of radially 
located skeleton burials in similar graves. There are other 
tumuli dated to the eighth century whose contents indicate an 
origin in the Glasinac province. In the fertile region of Paeonia 
around Stip tumulus cemeteries of the F.arly Iron Age (Orlovi 
Cuki, Gorno Pole near Star Karaorman, Radanje, Kunovi Cuki, 
Donje Orizare and others) have a central stone-lined grave 
surrounded by others in a radial formation, while the pot- 
tery forms also suggest links with the north and the north- 
west. 22 The appearance in Pelagonia and Paconia of these 
tumuli burials apparently closely connected with the Glasinac 
province has been interpreted as evidence for a temporary 
Illyrian domination of these regions. Using a fragment from 
Strabo's account of IVlacedonia (now missing from his 
( Geography), Hammond has identified the evidence for an 
ephemeral Illyrian domination of that country. Eighth-century 
burials in the great cemetery at Vergina on the river Haliacmon 
in the coastal plain of Macedonia which contain 'spectacle'- 
hrooches, diadems, bronze belt-plates and, down to the mid- 
seventh century, numerous spears (often in pairs) and bronze 
pendants, are testimony for the presence of Illyrians. Marking 
a relative decline in material wealth these newcomers from the 
north may represent an abrupt change of ruling class. An 
Illyrian presence has also been detected in the tumuli of Pela- 
gonia (Visoi and Prilep), in Eordaea (Pateli), along the course 
of the lower Vardar (Axiupolis, Gevgheli and Ghauchitsa) and 
in Paconia. Here the bronze pendants, beads and buttons from 
Radanje and Orlovi Cuki and the burial arrangements match 
those at Visoi, and the Illyrian presence here may have persisted 

"Vasic 1976, Mikulcic 1966, 1971 (Pelagonia), Simoska and Sanev 1976 
(central Pelagonia), Pasic-Vincic 1970 (Orlova Cuka), D. Garasanin 1976 
(Radanje), Kitanoski 1983 (burial rites in Pelagonia). 



so 



/ />f Scan /' /c/ lllvn.ins 



until the end <>l the seventh century. Tins lllyrian dominance 
lasting overall from around 850 i<> around 650 w at various 
times encompassed most or the northern and western areas ol 
ancient Macedonia. 21 

Evidence for the Early Iron Age in regions to the west of 
Glasinac is both small in quantity and uneven in distribution. 
In central and western Bosnia, Hercegovina and Central Dalma- 
tia no major settlement of the period has yet been investigated, 
with the exception of Pod near Bugojno in the Vrbas valley 
(see figure 7). This hill-top settlement was occupied from the 
Middle Bronze to the Late Iron Age and has yielded exceptional 
evidence for a regular arrangement of streets and houses as 
early as the period from the tenth to the eighth century. In 
western Hercegovina there is sufficient in common in the 
material from the period of the sixth to fourth centuries from 
a number of sites to identify a local group (Gorica, Crvenica, 
Posusje, Postranje, Zagvozd, Crude, Drinovci, Petrovici- 




Figure 7 Plan of bill-settlement at Pod, Bugojno (later phase) 



21 Hammond 1970, 1972 ch. 14, 1982a; Georgicv 1978 (Kumanovo grave). 



Prehistarit lllyriam 



SI 



Rakitno) along with Ston ai the base <>f the PcljcSai peninsula 
and finds on the islands Kr.u ( Vit ja I uka) and Korcula (Blato). 
Though the area is dominated by nuineroiis fortified hill-sctllc- 
ments (gradina), most ol the evidence so far recovered comes 
from 'Hat' skeleton-graves built ol stone slabs. Since these often 
Contain more than one inhumation they were evidently family 
tombs. Cremation occurs at Gorica (alter which this group is 
n. mud; near the northeastern edge of the Imotsko polje. The 
most distinctive feature of the Gorica group is the large number 
.it weapons, including iron spears, curved, short swords and 
knives, many later versions of the 'Greco-Illyrian' helmet and 
several imported greaves (Ston, Zagvozd and Vicja Luka). 
r.clorc the sixth century this was a group of predominantly 
local character which then evidently increased its power and 
prosperity through contacts with the Greek Adriatic and sou- 
thern Italy, enabling a southward expansion towards the coast 
and islands. 24 

The material record in northwest Bosnia, including the 
middle Sava and the lower courses of its principal tributaries 
(Sana-Una, Vrbas and Bosna) is dominated in the Early Iron 
Age by the major settlements and accompanying cemeteries at 
Donja Dolina on the Sava near Bosanska Gradiska, and by 
Sanski Most amid the rich iron-ore deposits around the lower 
Sana. Donja Dolina began as a settlement of pile-dwellings on 
the river, but by the I.ate Iron Age the river deposits and 
occupation debris had raised the site above water level and the 
pile-dwellings were replaced. The settlement was enclosed with 
a wooden palisade plastered with mud. The rectangular houses 
generally contained three rooms, one with a hearth of fired 
clay (see figure 8a). The houses were linked by raised wooden 
walkways in a regular arrangement so as to form narrow 
streets. The flat cemetery alongside the pile-dwellings contained 
skeletons laid in wooden coffins or directly on the earth (see 
figure 8b). 

The occupation of Donja Dolina lasted from the seventh to 

J4 Western Bosnia: Covic 1971b (Pod, Bugojno), Benac 1 971 d (Zecovi, 
Prijedor), Covic 1961-2 (Crvenica, Duvno); Gorica group: Covic 1975c 
(Vitina), Marovic 1961-2, 1963-5 (Brae), 1979 (Cetina valley), 1981 (Brae), 
Protic 1985 (Vis), Radmilli 1970 (Lastovo). 



52 



Vhe Heart h /<>/ Ulyrians 




Figure 8 a) Plaits and sections of houses at Donja Dolina 

the first century iu:, and indeed longer if it was a direct continu- 
ation of the closehy Gornja Dolina of the Pannonian Urnfield 
Culture occupied from the twelfth century. Climatic change 
may have caused the ahandonment of this settlement and some 
of the inhabitants may have moved to occupy a pile-settlement 
at the river's edge. But it was only towards the end of the 
seventh century that this fairly insignificant riverside settlement 
was transformed into a major centre of exchange for the 
northwest Balkans, signalled by the appearance of exotic 
objects from cultures as remote as Greece and northern Italy. 
Doubtless its position on a major navigable river contributed 
to this advance but the rise to commercial prominence is prob- 
ably to be explained by the emergence of greatly enriched ruling 
groups on the west in Slovenia and to the east and southeast 
in the Glasinac complex. Whether or not Donja Dolina was 
itself the centre for one of these new powers is hard to tell, if 
only because of its relative isolation. On the other hand, the 
presence of well-armed warriors in its community may indicate 
some degree of local independence. Though not deserted until 
Roman times the commercial prominence of Donja Dolina 




Figure S Continued 
b) Woman's grave at Donja Dolina, with objects enlarged 



//><• Search /<«/ lllyrians 



appears to have \. unshed .is rapidly .is n had arrived, during 
the fourth century when many changes, including the Celtic 
migrations, disrupted long-distance trade patterns which had 
been established for around two centuries. 

At Sanski Most houses with hearths were found alongside 
the river Sana. There were also round forging-furnaces together 
with implements for smelting and forging iron, which was 
evidently the principal activity carried on in the settlement. 
Not far away a 'flat' cemetery contained skeleton burials and 
cremation urns, the latter probably of later date, with a few 
graves lined and covered with stones. Pottery similar to that of 
Donja Dolina includes single- or double-handled cups and 
bowls, but the later cremation urns, large and biconical, arc 
similar to those in the cemeteries further to the west around 
Bihac in the Una valley. Jewellery in the graves at Sanski Most 
appears to be a mixture of Slovenian (brooches, belt-buckles 
and bracelets) and western Bosnian (Japodian) types (pins, 
bronze discs, temple bands and decorated bronze buttons). 
Weapons found at Sanski Most include iron spears and single- 
edged short swords. A double-edged Greek sword and two 
pairs of greaves, also imports, were recovered. Most of the 
graves date to the fifth and fourth centuries and, taken as a 
whole, the material culture appears to reflect a group of local 
origin, though imitating some Slovenian forms. What appears 
to have been a shift in burial rite from inhumation to cremation, 
similar to that observed at Glasinac and elsewhere has been 
taken as evidence for the arrival of new people from the north.-" 

In the region of Slavonia lying between the middle and lower 
courses of the Drava and Sava a significant discovery has been 
the cemetery near the hill-fort at Kaptol near Pozega, in a valley 
enclosed by low hills. Tumuli of the Karly Iron Age were found 
to incorporate a stone-built chamber containing up to five 
cremations, both with and without urns. The polished black 
pottery, mainly in biconical forms, has incised geometric decor- 
ation and moulded additions such as animals' heads. In addition 
to iron spears and battle-axes there were imported helmets, a 



25 Donja Dolina: Truhclka 1904 and 1909, Marie 1964a. 
2ft Fiala 1899 (Sanski Most), Marie 1971b (Vis, Drvcnta). 



Prehistorli Illy riant 



Corinthian type and an early version ol the '( ireco lllyrian' 
helmet, and a pan ol greaves thai m.n be presumed (<> have 
reached this site via Donja Dolina, since there are close resem- 
blances between the material from the two sites. The Kaptol 
burials belong to an established local warrior elite of the sixth 
ccnturv similar to those in the Glasinac region, although here 
horses were more important to judge from the presence of 
horse bits and other tackle in the tombs. 27 

To the east of the Kaptol group a major community of the 
I arly Iron Age has been identified in the region around the 
mouths of the Drava and Sava, including the district of Srem, 
northern Serbia and the Banat plain across the Danube in the 
region of Vojvodina. This group appears to be linked with that 
of Basarabi, named after a site on the Danube near Calafat in 
southwest Romania, whose distinctive pottery appears in many 
settlements within the above area. The most significant finds 
come from two major hill-forts which have been excavated, 
Bostit near the Sava west of Sremska Mitrovica, near the mouth 
of the river Bosut, and Gomolova, a major 'tell'-like settlement 
also on the left bank of the Sava, a few miles downstream from 
Mitrovica. Excavation here on a large scale revealed long- 
established settlements commencing around the middle of the 
eighth century with large houses containing altars of fired clay. 
Hie connection between Bosut-Gomolova and the Basarabi 
group may have once been close, but by the sixth century these 
links appear to have diminished, when local characteristics in 
the pottery become more evident. The material culture of these 
settlements was altogether different from those of the communi- 
ties represented by the several large urn cemeteries around Dal), 
near the mouth of the Drava, which are a later continuation 
of the Urnfield Culture in the transition from Bronze to Iron, 
although no settlement has yet been investigated. It is in this 
area that an apparently sudden and widespread distribution of 
bronze horse-harness of the late eighth and seventh centuries 
has been interpreted as the evidence for an invasion of horse- 
riding groups from the direction of the Black Sea and South 
Russia, the so-called Thraco-Cimmcrians. There appears to be 



^Veyvoda and Mirnik 1971, 1973 (Kaptol), Vinski-Gasparini 1978. 



56 



/ be Sean h foi lllyrians 



a growing scepticism towards the reality ol this invasion, and 
some specialists now prefer the simpler explanation that with 
the spread of iron use came an increase in the use of the horse 
in the plains. 28 

By far the largest quantity of material evidence for the Karly 
Iron Age in the Illyrian lands comes from the northwest, west- 
ern Croatia including the northern Adriatic and the Istrian 
peninsula, and Slovenia in the southeastern Alps. In the 'Level 
Corner' (Ravni Kotari) around Zadar on the Adriatic, between 
the rivers Krka and Zrmanja the material culture of the histori- 
cal Liburnians has been recovered in abundance from their 
cemeteries and their settlements. The latter include hill-top 
sites such as Radovin and Bribir which, like others yet to be 
investigated, were later fortified with walls of dressed stone 
and in the Roman era were formally constituted as self-govern- 
ing cities. Other, low-lying sites on the coast such as Zadar 
and Nin were also to be developed later as Roman cities. The 
settlements at Radovin and Nin have furnished evidence for 
stone defences and stone houses, arranged in rows parallel 
with the ramparts and with a central open space. Inhumation 
appears to have been the preferred burial rite, with skeletons 
placed in a crouched position in graves that arc sometimes 
lined with stone slabs. Large clay vessels were often used for 
the burial of children. Most graves were in 'flat' cemeteries but 
a few tumuli, some containing several graves, arc recorded. 
By comparison with that of other groups the pottery of the 
Liburnians is relatively little known as it rarely occurs in graves. 
There are quantities of imported wares, including Daunian 
from south Italy, some Hellenistic and a small quantity of 
classical Creek. The main finds consist of jewellery, on the 
basis of which Batovic has been able to suggest an elaborate 
chronology for Liburnian material culture. In contrast, weapons 
are almost unknown, save for some eighth-century bronze two- 



2S Brukner 1971, Tasic 1972 (Gomolava), Medovic 1978 (chronology), Tasic 
1988 (ethnic identities), Vasic 1989 (Banostor graves). 



Prehislorii llfyriant 



v 



edged swords from Nin. Over the six main phases ol develop 
meni there appears to be a continuity from the ninth century 
down to the Roman era."' 

Behind the Velebit mountains along die coast between Libur- 
iii. i and Istria the high plain of Lika has proved exceptionally 
rich m Iron Age finds that may be taken to represent the 
material culture of the historical Japodes. Several major cem- 
eteries, notably Pro/or and Kompolje, have yielded many arte- 
facts, while several settlements (Vrebac and Mali Obljaj), 
including cavc-sites, have been identified and partly investi- 
gated. The hill-forts were protected by ramparts of stone blocks 
ami earth and contained rectangular houses. Both 'flat' and 
tumulus cemeteries occur, the former being more common with 
skeletons laid in stone-lined graves. Cremation was already 
spreading into the area in the eighth century and by the fourth 
had become the dominant rite, both with and without urns. As 
in the case of that of their Liburnian neighbours on the south, 
the chronology of Japodian material culture is based upon 
jewellery rather than pottery. Contacts of the Lika communities 
with the Adriatic appear to have passed via the Liburnians but 
when the power of the latter declined contact with northern 
Italy may have become closer. By this time the Lika Japodes 
had evidently moved across the Velebit to control the coast 
between the Zrmanja and Istria. In the fourth century they also 
evidently expanded northwards to dominate the Vinica area of 
lower Carniola. To the east the Una valley around Bihac 
appears to have come under Japodian control by the fifth 
century. Some early graves of the eighth and seventh centuries 
are seen to exhibit closer parallels with groups further east in 
Bosnia and Herccgovina but by the end of the fifth century 
graves in the major cemeteries at Jezerine, Golubic and Ribic, 
in use continuously down to the Roman period, exhibit a 
cultural unity with the Lika. By the middle of the fourth century 
what can be identified with reasonable certainty as the material 
culture of the historical Japodes had become one of the major 



-"Liburnians: Batovic 1965, 1976b, 1970 (Nin), 1968, 1971b (Radovin), 
1980b (Bribir), 1976c (Adriatic connections), Cus-Rukonic 1980-1 (Osor). 



The Search /<» lllyrians 



groups in the western Balkans, reaching from the river Zrmanja 
in the south to the Kup.i in die north and Ironi the Adriatic to 
the Una valley.'" 

An area where the material culture ol the Karly Iron Age has 
an exceptional richness and distinctive character is the valley 
of the Krka around Novo Mesto, the area of Slovenia known 
as Dolensko {formerly Lower Carniola). Later the Dolensko 
appear to have expanded westwards into the area of Upper 
Carniola around Ljubljana. A major settlement of this region, 
the only one so far excavated, lay at Sticna in the hills between 
Novo Mesto and Ljubljana and was occupied continuously 
from the end of the eighth century to the Roman period. An 
area of around 800 by 400 metres is enclosed by a wall of 
several phases built of large undressed limestone blocks (up to 
3 by 1.5 m) and with earth and small stones packed between, 
which was backed with an earth rampart. After the original 
construction the defences of Sticna were remodelled in the fifth 
and sixth centuries. Around the time that the Sticna settlement 
was becoming established there appear in the area tumuli 
burials that replace the cemeteries of the Urnfield Culture 
dating from the tenth to eighth centuries. What this change 
represents is today much debated. By the late seventh and sixth 
centuries large tumuli appear with skeleton burials in a radial 
arrangement around an unoccupied centre, enclosed by stone 
slabs or wooden coffins or simply laid in the earth. The simi- 
larities between these burials and those of Bosnia and Mace- 
donia has supported a hypothesis of a migration into Carniola 
from the southeast that was associated with an exploitation of 
the minerals in which the region is rich. The skeleton burials 
arc for the most part confined to the Dolensko area. Certainly 
the case for these being immigrants from Bosnia appears to 
be strong, but unfortunately there are too many gaps in the 
archaeological record of the intervening areas for there to be- 
any certainty in the matter." 

"'Japodcs: Drechslcr-Bizic I975b, 1958 (Vrebac), 1961, 1966, 1971 
(Kompoljc), 1972-3 (Prozor), 1975a (Osik, Gospic), Marie 1971a (Una 
valley), 1975a (eastern frontier), Radimsky 1895 (Jezerinc), Radimskv et al. 
1897 (RipaC), Raunig 1971a (Golubic), 1980-1 (Ripa£). 
" Dolensko (Lower Carniola) group: Archeoloska Najdisca Slovenije 



Prehistorii lllyrian$ 



I he early pottery ol the Dolensko group soon breaks away 
from the Urnfield traditions .is new pedestal forms begin to 
Dppear. Next there follows .i t.ishion ol imitating metal vessels, 
unit vertical ami horizontal ribbing. Imported pottery from 
Venetic northeast Italy also reached ihe area, along with wares 
hoin Apulia and C recce (Attica), f rom the late seventh century 
the Dolensko culture is distinguished by an abundance of metal 
vessels, including buckets, situlac (water-buckets for the ritual 
ol wine-drinking), cauldrons, tankards, etc. Much of this metal- 
work w as e\ idently produced locally, satisfying a great demand 
On the part of the ruling elite. The decoration of metal vessels 
and other objects evolved into the remarkable collection of 
styles known today as Simla Art, which reached its fullest 
development in Dolensko only in the fifth century, when numer- 
ous examples ol situlac with figural decoration occur in tombs. 
I he origins of the craftsmanship and of the style of Simla Art 
would appear to lie further west among the Veneti, where the 
earliest examples are dated to the late seventh century. Possibly 
there was a transfer of workshops from that area to Dolensko 
brought about by changes underway in northeast Italy. Here 
the appetite for traditional fashions in metal ornament was 
giving way to a taste for the finer and more elegant productions 
ol the Creeks and Ktruscans. The old style may have suited 
(he rulers in Dolensko, direct, uncomplicated and explicit in 
reflecting their own ways of life. If the workshops identified in 
such places as Vacc, Magdalenska Cora and Novo Mesto were 
those of craftsmen trained among the Veneti then what may 
have been a speculative venture turned out to be a great success. 
( >n a large variety of metalware, including also belt-buckles, 
scabbards, brooches and pendants, the Simla style becomes the 
distinguishing feature of the Dolensko Culture (see figure 9). 
I arge quantities of weapons and some armour are also a feature 
ol the Dolensko Culture. The most common arc spears and 
.o^kct-axes and there are some bows and arrows. Helmets 

(inventory and map of sites), Frcy 1966, Gabrovec 1964-5, 1966a, Dular 
1982 (pottery), 198 ? (Crnomelj), Frcy and Gabrovec 1969, Gabrovec, Frev 

ind Foltiny 1970, Gabrovec 1975 (Sticna). Wells 1978 (Sticna), 1980 
Magdalenska gora), Knez 1978, 1980b (Novo Mesto), Pus 1982-3 
I jubljana), Panic 1973 (Slovenian Drava). 




Figure 9a) Burial tumulus at Sticna, 1964 excavations 

occur in tombs over the period from the eighth to the fourth 
centuries. In the seventh century there appears a local variety 
of helmet, bowl-shaped and made of leather strengthened with 
bronze studs. This was replaced later by an Italic design made 
of bronze pieces forged together, replaced in turn by a double- 
crested type. In the fifth century there appears a much more 
durable type of Italic helmet named after the find at Negau 
(now Negova), on the river Mur near Gornja Radgona in 
north-east Slovenia, which had a long period of use over a 
wide area. The examples of bronze body-armour found in 
tombs at Sticna and Novo Mesto were imported and have been 
dated to the late seventh century. The trappings for horse- 
harness are also common in Dolensko, with examples of spurs 
appearing in the fifth century.'- 



12 Situla art: Knez 1976, 1980a. 198.?. 



Prehiitorii lllytiant 



61 




Figure 9b) Scenes on Vace situla 



The current chronology and analysis of the Dolensko Culture 
and its outliers is based largely on the work of Gabrovec. 
According to this scheme the first phase, which lasts from 
the mid-eighth to the mid-seventh century, is marked by the 
coincidence of iron-working and tumuli burials with pottery 
and jewellery made in local shapes. From the seventh to the 



<>1 



I he Sr.irth /<<» lllvn.m- 




Figure 9c) Bronze situla-cover from Stiaia 



fourth centuries Italic influences increase and the local warrior 
elite displays a steadily increasing material prosperity, reflecting 
an expansion of their power over neighbouring communities. 
At the height of their prosperity in the fifth century the military 
role becomes less prominent in favour of images of an elite- 
taking their pleasures against the background of a stable politi- 
cal ascendancy. This has been inferred specifically from the 
changing repertoire of Situla Art, where the battle themes and 
warriors appear to give way to the pleasures of the hunt, and 
such agreeable pastimes as banqueting and musical and athletic- 
festivals. The golden age soon passed and during the early 



Prehistorii Ulyrlam 



I. null) century then- begin large Cemeteries <>! warrior gravis, 
bui it has been concluded thai by the end ol the fourth century 

this area had been taken over and settled by Celts. 11 

The tract ol hilly country extending southwest from Lower 
( arniola towards [stria, known as Notranjska (Inner Carniola), 
has produced several important sites ol the Iron Age, notably 
the cave shrine of Skocjan (St Kan/.ian), though no single place 
has yet furnished evidence for a continuous occupation from 
Hallstatt (Early Iron Age) to La Tene (Late Iron Age) times. 
The metal hoard and flat cemetery at Skocjan have produced 
brooches, bowls, helmets and spears that in some respects 
resemble those from the Dolensko area and from St Lucia. 
Similar material has also been found in the cemeteries at Socerb 
and Stanjel. The hill-top settlement at Smihel has three associ- 
ated flat cemeteries, one of the eighth-seventh centuries, the 
others containing mainly fourth-century graves. The material 
from the cemetery at Krizna gora of the eighth-sixth centuries 
is different from that in the rest of Notranjska and has similarit- 
ies with the Lika group, while the fact that a third of the 
graves contain skeletons seems another indication of links with 
communities further south. It has been suggested that the inter- 
ruption of cemeteries in this area after the seventh century was 
caused by the domination of the Dolensko group. Similarly a 
recovery of local independence, following decline of the latter's 
power, may be signified by the reappearance of major cem- 
eteries in the fourth century.' 4 

The Iron Age communities of the Istrian peninsula at the 
head of the Adriatic are known from several sites, where the 
finds suggest that a single cultural group had formed by the 
eighth century. Their typical fortified settlements on hill-tops 
had begun to be occupied already in Bronze Age times. These 
castellieri, as they are known in lstria, often enclose two or 
three crests, with single or multiple ramparts on the naturally 
unprotected sides. They vary greatly in situation and in physical 
character, from just above sea-level to around 700 metres, and 
from an area of a few hundred square metres to vast complexes 

" Dolensko history: Frey and Gabrovec 1971 (chronology), Gabrovec 1973, 
Petru 197.?, Mason 1988, Terian 1985. 

M Notranjska group: Gustin 197 ? (chronology), Urleb 1973 (Krizna gora). 



(.•I 



Tht Starch /<>' lllyrians 



of several square kilometres. I hey contained rectangular timber 
and clay houses. Burial was in flat cremation cemeteries, some 
times without hut mainly with urns, in a stone-lined grave 
that was sometimes covered. Boundary walls of a dry-stone 
construction defined family burial plots. The dead were crem- 
ated wearing their clothes and their jewellery. Skeleton burials 
arc rare. A particular feature of the Istrian material culture are 
the carved stones from Nesactium on the east coast. Here a 
princely tomb suggests that predecessors of the kings who 
reigned there in the third and second centuries were already 
wielding power in the fifth. There is much yet to be understood 
about the Istrian culture of the Iron Age, and publication of 
some of the major collections of evidence will assist in this 
regard. There seems little doubt that what was basically the 
product of local evolution over several centuries was from the 
sixth to fourth centuries much altered by Italic influences. The 
origins of some elements may lie in the impact of the Pannonian 
Urnfield Culture on local Bronze Age groups, from which 
several traits, including grave-construction, pottery ornament 
and the lack of brooches, continued down to the first appear- 
ance of Italic influences. As a result of these, Istria became 
part of a more uniform, Italic-dominated complex around the 
Adriatic, which included Libumia and the Lika." 

In the Alpine valley of the river Soca or Isonzo several 
large cemeteries, including St Lucia containing more than 7000 
graves, together form a distinct group. They belong to the 
inhabitants of hill-fort settlements of which as yet little is 
known. The graves were lined and covered with stone slabs 
and contained the cremated remains of the deceased wearing 
clothes and jewellery. The graves contain pottery, metal vessels 
and jewellery but are devoid of weapons. The Soca group seems 
to have consisted of a local culture, somewhat isolated in the 
southeast Alps, which was radically altered by Italic influences 
in the course of the seventh century. This development appears 
to have been connected with the establishment of long-distance 
trade routes between the Mediterranean and the Balkans. St 



" Istria: Bade 1970 (fortifications), Kucar 1979 (Beram cemetery), Mladin 
1974 (bronze vessels and helmets). 



Prehistory lllyriam 



65 



I lu i.i la) it a major crossroads ol these routes, and ii is there 
that occurs by far the greatesl concentration ol burials. Italic 
wares were not only forwarded eastwards but were also very 
likely manufactured there. A new economy grew up with an 
emphasis on commerce and crafts as the population appears to 
have concentrated more and more in a few large centres such 
.is Si Lucia and Kobarid, while other places, such as Tolmin 
where rectangular houses on stone foundations have been 
found, were abandoned. During the late sixth and fifth centur- 
ies, the period to which the richest graves in the region belong, 
the role of St Lucia appears to have increased as a centre for 
prosperous traders. At the same time the wide range of objects 
found in graves of a similar period in the cemetery suggests 
perhaps an increasing economic stratification within the popu- 
lation, with a wealthy minority among a multitude of the poor. 
Political changes in the fourth century evidently disrupted the 
pattern of commerce on which the settlement had depended 
and its prosperity dwindled rapidly.' 6 

This section has described in outline the 20 or so groups 
denned by material remains who occupied the Illyrian territor- 
ies during the Early Iron Age (eighth to fourth centuries). 
From this there emerges no support for clear-cut definitions of 
lllyrians, either through a compact unity in the archaeological 
evidence or through any apparent consistency in habits of ritual 
or daily life across the different cultural groups. At the same 
time some conclusions regarding origins and development can 
be drawn. Several groups, notably those in Istria, Libumia, 
northern and southern Serbia, central Bosnia and Dalmatia, 
had already been formed before the start of this period, but an 
Early Iron Age prosperity brought instability to their traditional 
pattern of social relations and a decline had already set in 
before the end of the seventh century. New groups emerged, 
notably those of Glasinac and Dolcnsko (Lower Carniola), 
through exploiting the qualities of iron to amass a wealth of 
cattle and create fortified settlements. Their elites are dis- 
tinguished by graves that arc rich in weapons and jewellery 

"'Soca (Isonzo) group: Gabrovcc and Svolsjak 1983, Terzan, Lo Schiavo 
and Trampuz-Orcl 1984-5 (St Lucia), Svolsjak 1976 (Most na Sod), 1973 
(Tolmin), Bartosiwicz 1985 (faunal evidence). 



(,(, The Search /"» Ulyriam 



and contain imports from Italy and Greece. Hie new rulers 
supported long-distance commerce centred on such places .is 
Donja Dolina and St Lucia. In the burial mounds we can now 
recognize the increasing dominance of powerful chiefs with 
their armed followers, such as those at Glasinac (llijak and 
Osovo) and Dolensko (Sticna and Novo Mesto). By the fifth 
century the power of these chiefs, based in tribal alliances, had 
reached a peak, but in the following century there was a decline 
as the tribal structures began to be challenged by new forms 
of central authority developing in adjacent lands. 




Naming lllyrians 



3 



Illyrian language' 



Though almost nothing of it survives, except for names, the 
Illyrian language has figured prominently in several theories 
regarding the spread of Indo-Kuropean languages into Europe. 
In the late nineteenth century the names of persons and places 
recorded by ancient written sources and on inscriptions con- 
vinced some scholars that Illyrian-speakers had once been wide- 
spread across Central and Kastern Europe, the Balkan penin- 
sula, Asia Minor and southeast Italy. In the early twentieth 
century there was a confident identification of Illyrian as a 
primary sub-stratum of Indo-European from which whole 
families of European languages later developed. 

Theories of this kind flourished in a time when there was 
also a greater confidence on the part of archaeologists. Most 
were willing to accept that the appearance of a new language 
was somehow connected with the movement of whole com- 
munities, best illustrated by the historically documented 
migrations of the Celts between the fifth and third centuries bc: 
and also by the barbarian invasions of the Roman Empire 
between the third and the sixth centuries ad. Many still hold 
to the view that it is possible to detect traces of invasions by 
Indo-Europeans in the material culture of this or that region. 

1 On Illyrian language, names and etymology: Crossland 1982, Polome 
1982, Russu 1969, Sasel 1977a, Rendic-Miocevic 1956, Katicic 1976a, 
1976b, 1980, 1984. 



68 



//>«■ Sean l< /<" lllyrians 



As regards the Balkans, there has been in existence lor several 
decades a theory that movements <>l new peoples into Europe 
from the direction of Asia around the beginning of the Bronze 
Age (before 2000 bc) marked the arrival and dispersal of Indo- 
European speakers. Serious problems arise with this and similar 
theories when one comes to examine the processes of evolution 
and fragmentation that produced the historically attested langu- 
ages of the Balkans within barely a thousand years. This ques- 
tion has most recently been taken up in a stimulating and 
provocative book by Colin Renfrew (1987). While it is hard 
to avoid notions of invasions and migrations in a discussion of 
the Illyrian language and its origins, there are clear signs that 
the old familiar landscape of European linguistic and archaeol- 
ogical evolution is becoming a desolation of vanished certainties 
in both disciplines. 

At this stage it may be useful to outline the limits of Illyrian 
territory as indicated in the onomastic evidence, that is, names 
of persons, peoples and places recorded in the Greek and 
Roman sources, as set out by I. I. Russu (1969). The southern 
limit starts on the coast of central Albania and passes inland 
to Yugoslavia to include the Lakeland, the Skopje basin and 
the Kosovo-Metohija region. Then it turns north to follow a 
line west of the river Morava to the v icinity of Belgrade on the 
Danube. On the north the Sava and Drava valleys are included 
along with an area north of the latter extending in the direction 
of Lake Balaton in western Hungary. From there the limit 
passes southwestwards, skirting the southeast Alps, to meet the 
Adriatic in Istria. Finally the ancient districts of Calabria and 
Apulia in southeast Italy are included. In addition to a distri- 
bution of Illyrian personal and place-names the Messapian 
language recorded on more than 300 inscriptions is in some 
respects similar to Balkan Illyrian. This link is also reflected in 
the material culture of both shores of the southern Adriatic. 
Archaeologists have concluded that there was a phase of Illyrian 
migration into Italy early in the first millennium bc:, not only 
in the south but also further north from Liburnia to Piccnum. 
A more cautious view suggests that while Messapian may have 
developed as a branch of Illyrian, or rather 'pre-IUyrian', a 
substantial difference between the two had developed by his- 
torical times. For this reason the problem of Messapian is better 



Naming Illy riant 



69 



considered .is a distinu entitv williiu the early languages <>l Italy 
rather than as an extension ol the Balkan Illyrian province. 2 

The ( irecks had a word for the speaking ol Illyrian (illurizein) 
and recognized a language distinct from (.nek. As preserved 
in Strabo's Geography the (.reek tradition identified lllyrians 
as a people {ethnos) different from Macedonians and Thracians 
as well as from the Creeks. On the other hand, Greek sources 
are far from clear over any distinction between Illyrian and the 
inhabitants of Epirus: 'Epirote' as a political or ethnic term 
was evidently not current before the fourth century BC, and the 
phrase 'epirote peoples' means no more than 'peoples of the 
mainland', that is, seen from the island of Corcyra where the 
(.reeks first settled in the region. It cannot yet be established 
that there were peoples in the northwest of mainland Greece 
who spoke a language that was neither Illyrian nor Greek. 
When Strabo refers to 'bilingual' people beyond the mountains 
west of Macedonia, the presumption is that the languages 
spoken were Greek and Illyrian. Ancient writers tell us almost 
nothing of the Illyrian language, although there is no doubt 
i hat it continued to be spoken well into the Roman period. 
They furnish a handful of authentic Illyrian words, including 
•rhinos' for 'fog', 'sabaius' or 'sabaia', a local variety of beer, 
and 'sybina' for a lance or hunting-spear. Studies of the Illyrian 
language must continue to depend on the large number of 
attributable names, tribal, personal and geographical, preserved 
in ancient literary and epigraphic sources.' 

Modern study of Illyrian names began with the catalogues 
of geographical (1925) and personal (1929) names compiled 
by H. Krahe, modelled on the dictionary of Celtic names com- 
piled by Alfred Holder (1896-1914). These were followed by 
studies of the Illyrian language by Krahe (1955-8), Anton 
Mayer (1957-59) and I. I. Russu (1969). A new era began with 
liirgen Untermann's analysis of Venetic names (1961) which 
defined the separate linguistic identity of the Venetic peoples. 

1 On limits of lllyrians: Marie 1964b, Degmedzic 1967 (archeological and 
literary evidence), Katicic 1977a (Paeonians), llievski 1975 (Greece), Suic 
1967a (Istria), Simone 1972, 1976 (Messapian), 1986, Pisani 1976, Marin 
1977 (lllyrians in Italy). 

'Crossl'and 1982. 



""■ Siareh foi Ulyrlan, 



pioneering work ol local defin 
the mosi pan successfully in , """-"^ '«., 

other lllyrL, RRMI ,; . S ' A * s ^,es ol the names ol 
persona! names from the Roman L t ? lal °*'* and a "alyses ol 
1965 and J969) ren f „ ' 7" K Y °' l);,lmatia (1964, 
works of Andras M " ' "f^' and arc l,lat ^ d by the 
Superior ( 1 970) DuTe RendTc u <1959) and Moe * a 

studies of names from ^tr^Tof th" ^ 
"^AdrkticMouiidS^SSfr ^Ddmatae, on the 
Rider (Danilo) near Sib^nik Z ™ f C na ? Ve «*« at 
(1978) a valuable exan^n^^^ 
Dardan.ans from the evidence of name Tp c &™ £ 
significant contribution b is been f /n . p the most 

Hollowing the lines o ' Unterm " th f WOrl f of ? a *»«av Karifid 
Katicic (1967 19 6 \ h ; I ? Study of Venetic "ames, 
among the III 'i ans The? t ^ ^ ' onom ^c provinces' 
region* of ^ "d r " ^'""^ludes the ancient 

t'- Illynan kingdomZ/nd t e S Sadn" "T iT. 
atic coast and hinterhnd un m „ II , , ' and thc Adr '- 
The Middle Dalma hn- 1 ^"d ^ Nererva val,e V- 

"car exclusive distribution «,f some n^nV , by thc 

southern 'real' Illvrians these S ' "T*' Amon S the 
name), Gentius (in Greek £nth , ) pL 7' ^ (a fcma,t ' 
ounios (recorded on coinsl f V lnn * s (° r P'nnius), Mon- 

Zanatis! The middle Da?matJan p'f ( " ^ ^ Verzo and 
larger variety of name of wnic nT™" , Pr ° VinCe cxhibits a 
area include Andes m') nd f °h" " f the 

lettus, Paio, Panes Panto tm P> ( ':\ f Bac ' u ^ Ba ™>, Bubant-, 
Wia .S^sJST^^ e ^ Sinus, 

the middle and upper UnT - W " n ". aland «>«*cni Bosnia, 



Nfarfrg ///»-/ /./m 



I 



southern lllynans and also on 
western and central Bosnia md LZ n ,Z ana " c " ast ' '« 
Verzo occurs in S il«,n a ,„ i nordl ln Pannonia. 

Provinces .,«„- dmsc between h P 1 , ynan """mastic 

wmmmm 

d '"— ■ derivation sm , / L f pref,x .^ 1,5 E P'<- a dus, the 



I he Sfiinh /<>; lllyrians 



Delmatae. Place names containing the elemeni -dunum, tor 
example, Noviodunum on the Sava, Carroduuum on the Drava 
and Singidunum (Belgrade) on the Danube represent evidence 
for Celtic penetration of the area. 4 

A notable addition to the repertory of Illyrian names has 
come from the cemeteries in the vicinity of the Greek colony 
Dyrrhachium (Durres). Many hundreds of graves had their 
inscribed tombstones still in place, simple cylindrical stelai, 
decorated, if at all, with a simple band of laurel and inscribed, 
mostly in Greek, with the single name and patronymic of the 
deceased. The names so far reported include Andena (f.), Antis 
(f., two examples), Batina, Batouna, Boiken, Breigos, Brykos, 
Gcnthios, Dazaios/Dazos (two examples), Epe(n)tinus (from 
the place Epetium, Stobrcc on the coast south of Split), Epicadus 
(ten examples), Epidamnos, Zaimina, Isnthena, Koreta, Lydra, 
Mallika, Monounios, Pladomenus, Plator (five examples), Pla- 
toura, Scodrina, Strabainos, Syrmas, Syra, Sychos, Tadus, Tata, 
Teutaia (four examples)/Temiteuta. New additions to the list 
of south-Illyrian names include Andena (Andia), Plaios/Plai- 
anus/Plaia, and also Scodrina from the Illyrian capital Scodra, 
an adjectival form that appears on local coins. Known south 
Illyrian names include Genthios, Cillanus, Epicadus, Laidas, 
Laidon, and Teutaia, and those new to the list include Billena, 
Isnthena, Mallika and Strabainos. 5 

With such a large repertoire of Illyrian names it is possible 
to consider etymologies and links with other Indo-European 
languages of which a fuller record survives. Thus it seems 
generally agreed that the name of the Illyrian queen Teuta of 
the third century bc derives from teutana, which means 'queen'. 
Similarly, Gentius, the last of the Illyrian kings, defeated by 
the Romans in 168 t«:, has been connected with a noun, in its 
Latin form gens, gentis, meaning 'class' or 'kin' and appropriate 
for the leader of such a group. These are exceptions and no 
satisfactory etymologies have yet been produced even for some 
of the most distinctive Illyrian names. 

A more difficult question is how Illyrian fits within the family 



"Polomc 1982. 

s Tocj 1965, 1970, 1976, 1986, Simone 1977. 



N.iimtix III vt i. in: 



7.1 



ol Indo European languages. As ,i whole ihis has been divided 
into .i western group (derm. urn, VcnetIC, Illyrian, Celtic, Italic 
and (ireek) and an eastern group (Baltic, Slavic, Albanian, 
Thracian Phrygian, Armenian, Iranian and Indian). The distinc- 
tion turns on the consonant V in the latter and 'ch', 'h' or 'k' 
m the former, and the two groups are identified by the words 
for the number 1 00, centum in Latin and satem in Old Iranian, 
although subsequent discoveries have led to a questioning of 
this tidy geographical separation. One explanation attributes 
the difference not to separation within some linguistic family- 
tree but to a mechanism of change from 'ks' to V in the central 
area while leaving the older forms untouched at the periphery. 
In the case of Illyrian the problems appear to be multiplying: 
if, as some have argued, Illyrian belongs not to the centum 
group bur to the satem, the common etymology of Gentius and 
gens must bc discarded. There is no evidence that Illyrian in 
fact belongs to the satem group, but the argument that it docs 
is crucial to the case that modern Albanian is descended from 
Illyrian. So far no satisfactory scheme for the analysis of 
Illyrian names has been proposed. The common name Bato 
may derive from the same root as the Latin battucre meaning 
'to strike', or is just as likely to derive from the root *bba 
'say' or 'tell', the Latin fart. A connection of the common 
Illyrian name Epicadus and the stem *kad, meaning 'out 
standing' or 'flourishing' in Sanskrit and (ireek, is denied by 
those who argue for the satem attribution of Illyrian, prefer- 
ring words meaning 'destruction', 'deprived of, 'quick, 
ardent' and 'sharp, bold'. It is hard to see any way forward in 
arguments of this kind. While some scholars appear entirely 
engaged with placing Illyrian in this or that group, there are 
indications that some of the divergences once regarded as 
definitive of the two Indo-European groups in fact arose at 
a much later stage of the development of language. In the 
end the strongest evidence for the connection between Illyrian 
and Albanian must be the few direct correspondences of 
vocabulary often cited. 6 



'■ Polomc 1982, Cimochowski 1976. For some Illyrian etymologies, Stanko 
I987a-b, 1988a-b, 1989. 



74 



The Search /<« Ilfyriam 



lllyrian names 

The further refinements of lllyrian onomasric provinces pro- 
posed by Geza Alfoldy for the area included in the later Roman 
province of Dalmatia comprise most of the historic lllyrian 
territories. Five principal groups are identified: (I) '-real 
lllyrians' south of the river Nerctva and extending south of the 
provincial boundary with Macedonia at the river Drin to 
include Illyris of north and central Albania; (2) the populous 
Delmatae after whom the province was named, who occupied 
the middle Adriatic coast between "real lllyrians' and Lihurni- 
(3) the Venetic I.iburni on the northeast Adriatic; (4) the 
Japodcs who dwelt north of the Delmatae and behind the 
Uburni, where names reveal a mingling of Venetic, Celtic and 
lllyrian elements; and (5) the Pannonian peoples in the north 
of the province, in Bosnia, northern Montenegro and western 
.Serbia Alfoldy's identifications of names with these groups 
some known only from around the time of the Roman conquest' 
have been challenged by R. Katicic. He rejects a Pannonian 
onomastic province distinct from that of the Delmatae because 
the number of names on which it is based is too small, while 
there .s too much that is common in the distribution of names 
between them. Similarly, Alfoldy's identifications and interpret- 
ation of Celtic names among the Japodes and in the east of the 
Pannonian onomastic province have also been queried For 
Katicic the occurrence of Celtic personal names in these areas 
is less likely to be evidence for a mixed 'Illyrian-Ccltic' native- 
population, or a Celtic element surviving from the migrations 
of the fourth century iu., than the consequence of movement 
in the Roman period associated with military service and the 
processes of Romanization. 

Typical names among the (1) 'real lllyrians' according to 
Alfoldy are: Annaeus/Annaius, Epicadus, Epidius, Pinnes, 
lare(n)s latta, Temeia, Zanatis and Ziracus. Other names 
less well known but which may also originate in the area 
include Agirrus, Blodus, Boria, Glavus, Laedio, Laiscus, Mad- 



7 Alfoldy 1964a, Katicic 1964. 



Naming I II \n. in: 



75 



ena, Posantio, Pravaius, Sccrdis, Tcuda, Zorata, A smaller 
group found in the area appeal to originate from the central 
Dalmatian province: Bato, Dasius, Dazas, Ditus, Messor and 
VCrzo. A feu names which occur in the upper Neretva valley 
around Konjic appear to be ol Celtic origin: Boio, Bricussa, 
la. us, Mall.uus and Mascelio - a suggestion which seems to 
be confirmed by Celtic styles of dress on figured tombstones. 
Alfoldy suggests that this Celtic component may derive from 
the impact ol the migrating Celts on the lllyrian Autariatae, 
bui ii now seems that they dwelt not there but further south 
between (he 'real lllyrians' around the Lake of Shkoder and 
die Dardanians of Kosovo. Throughout this area the formula 
ol nomenclature is that of the single personal name with the 
father's name (patronymic) in the genitive. x 

Between the 'real lllyrians' and the I.iburni the (2) Delmatae 
appear to exhibit a similarly characteristic group of names. 
Hun territory is exceptionally rich in onomastic evidence, 
with hundreds of native names recorded at Rider (Danilo near 
Sibenik) and with several smaller concentrations at several 
Other centres. Characteristic names include Aplis/Apludus/Apu- 
nis/Aplus/Aplius, Baezo, Beusas/Beuzas, Curbania, Cursulavia, 
Wto, Lavincia, Ledrus, Messor, Paio/Paiio, Panes/Panias/Panius 
(Pantus?)/Panenrius, Pant(h)ia/Panto (f.), Pinsus, Pladomenus, 
Platino, Samunrio, Seio/Seiio, Statanius/Staticus/Stato/Status, 
Sesiiis/Sextus/Scxto, Tito, Tizius, Tritus, Var(r)o. Other names 
appear among the Delmatae whose origins lie outside their 
territory. A Eiburnian element is suggested by Acenica, Clevata, 
Darmocus, Cermanicus (the native stem Germanus/Germus, 
with the charactistic Venetic ending -tens), Labrtco, Lunnicus, 
Melandrica, lurus. A second group of names is common with 
the I'annonians and, though some are found also in the southern 
lllyrian province, their origins seem to lie among the former: 
Bardurius, Bato, Carrius, Dasantilla, Dasas/Dazas, Dasto, 
Plator/Platino, Scenobarus, Verzo/Verzulus. Several of these arc- 
also to be found among lllyrians settled far away in the mining 
■iiea ..I the province Dacia at Alburnus Maior. From the sou- 
thern lllyrians the names Boria, Epicadus, Eaedicalius, Eoiscus, 



" K.iik k 1963b, 1966a. 



76 



The Sean h foi Wyriam 



Pinnes and Tato are present, from the Japodcs Ditcio and 
Vc(n)do, and a few names arc of Celtic origin, Kabaletus, I. mis, 
Nantanius, Sarnus, Sinus, Sisimbrius and Vcpus. I lie formulae 
of nomenclature among the Delmatae are more varied than 
among the southern Illyrians, although the single name with 
patronymic is widespread. In the western districts of the Delma- 
tae (some of which still belonged to the Liburnians until not 
long before the Roman conquest) a two-name formula appears 
to have spread from the Liburni, in the same areas where 
Liburnian names are also found. The commonest form is per- 
sonal name plus family name plus patronymic, for example, 
Plator Carvius Batonis (filius) or Aplis Lunnicus Triti f(ilius). 
A local variation appears to have the family name included in 
the patronymic formula, Platino Platoris Tizi filia, 'Platino, 
daughter of Plator Tizus'. 9 

The language of the (.3) Veneti is better documented than 
others in or near the Illyrian territories. The evidence includes 
more than 300 inscriptions, most from the major settlements 
of Ateste and Patavium (Padua), along with a shrine near 
Lagolc di Calalzo on the upper Piave and another at Gurina- 
Alpe near Kotschach, on the far side of the Plocken pass in 
the Gail valley. Finds of individual inscriptions extend to 
Istria and across the Julian Alps. The texts are brief and 
follow a similar pattern of dedications to various deities and 
epitaphs on tombstones and cremation urns. Enough of the 
language and vocabulary survives to indicate that Venetic 
was a northwest Indo-European dialect with several points of 
correspondence with Latin. The distribution area of Venetic 
inscriptions is concentrated in the western part of that area 
where Venetic names occur on inscriptions of the Roman 
period. This includes Istria, the Lmona (Ljubljana) region 
and the Liburnian coast and islands down to the river Titus 
(Krka). The repertoire of Venetic personal names include 
several Roman family (gens) names ending in -icus, -oats, 
-inus, -iacus, -arms, -anius and -anus, also family and per- 
sonal names ending with -avus. Individual names include 
Accius/Axius, Cantius, Carminius, Appuleius, Avitus, Tutor, 



9 Rendid-Mioccvic 1948, 1956, 1976a. 



Naming lllyriant 



Barbius, Boniatus, Ccrvius, Cusonius, Dasimius, Dasani , 
In nuns, Laetus, l.ucaniis, I.ikiIIus, Miutius, Mulvius, Oaetus, 
Oppius, Plaetorius, Regius, Veitor, Tunis, Tunis, Voltiomnos 
and Voluinnius. 1 " 

Across the passes of the eastern Alps the names on inscrip- 
tions in the Norican region of the Roman period are predomi- 
nantly Celtic, and it seems that this state of affairs came about 
with the Celtic movements into the area after 400 bc. The 
identity of the pre-Celtic inhabitants of this large area, which 
includes most of the Danube basin above the Danube bend, 
remains a problem. What little evidence there is indicates that 
they may, in the southern area at least, have been Veneti and 
Illyrians of the Pannonian-Dalmatian group. Venetic inscrip- 
tions have been discovered carved on rock faces and on portable 
bronze dedications, probably dating to the second century bc. 
l atin inscriptions of the Roman period indicate the survival of 
a Venetic clement in the upper Drau, the lower Isel and upper 
Moll valleys. Moreover some tribal and geographical names in 
the same region, Laianci, Aguntum, Sacvates and Sebatum, are 
patently not of Celtic origin. The material evidence is not 
conclusive but does not conflict with the notion of a Venetic 
survival. They may indeed bc the Cami, in Roman times a 
people confined to northeast Italy, but who in earlier times 
extended far into the eastern Alps. In the Roman period the 
Venetic component was still strong in the area of Ljubljana (lg) 
where, in addition to some names of Celtic origin, the following 
Venetic-Istrian names occur: Ampo, Fronto, Lucius, Pletor, 
Plotius, Plunco, Rcga and names formed from the root Volt-. 
Possibly a people named by the elder Pliny as Catali somewhere 
in this area may be connected with the Istrian Catari of the 
Tcrgcste (Trieste) region and may represent a survival of Veneti 
around Ljubljana. The name of the Carni has survived in 
Carniola, a later name for part of what is now Slovenia, 
the Austrian province Carinthia (Karnten), Mons Carantanus 
(Ulrichsberg near Virunum) and the early medieval centre Car- 



Untcrmann 1961. 



■s 



I'hr .SV./n /' fin ltl\n,iu> 



antum (Kamburg), and possibly in the name «>l the Norican 
settlement and later Roman fortress Canumtum on the middle 
Danube below Vienna. 1 1 

The names of the (3) I.iburni demonstrate their Venetie 
character, with such roots as Vols-/Voh- and the endings -icus 
and -ocus, and set them apart from the rest of the Adriatic 
Illyrians: Acaica, Actor, Boninus, Cliticus, Colatina, Curticus, 
Darmo, Dumma, Hosp(olis), Hostiducis (gen.), Hostiices, Lam- 
bicus, Malavicus, Marica, Menda, Moicus, Oclatinus, Oeplus, 
Opia, Opiavus, Oplica, Oplus, Plactor, Patalius, Recus, Suioca, 
Tarnis, Toruca, Trosius, Vadica, Velsounus, Verica, Viniocus, 
Volaesa, Volscus, Volsetis, Volso, Volsonus, Volsounus, 
Volsus, Voltimcsis, Vol(l)tis(s)a, Zupricus. Also the name 
Turus, common among the I.iburni but found as well among 
the Delmatae and the Japodes, is of Liburnian Venetie origin. 
The majority of these names arc unknown among the eastern 
and southern neighbours of the Liburni, except in a few border 
districts. In addition a smaller group of names appear to be of 
exclusi vely Liburnian rather than general Venetie origin, since 
they do not occur in other Venetie or lllyrian districts: 
Acia, Barcinus, Buzetius, Caminis (gen.), Ceunus, Clausus, 
Granp(. . .), Iaefus, Lastimeis, Mamaester, Pasinus, Picusus, 
Tetenus, Vesclevesis (gen.) and Virno. The separate identity of 
the I.iburnians is also indicated by formulae of nomenclature. 
The single name plus patronymic common among Illyrians 
is rare. In a region where the Roman three-name formula 
(praenomen, nomen gentile and cognomen, for example, Caius 
Julius Caesar) spread at an early date, a native two-name 
formula appears in several variants. That with personal name 
plus family name is found in southern Liburnia (Ravni Kotari), 
while that with personal name plus family name plus patro- 
nymic is found throughout the Liburnian area, for example, 
Avita Suioca Vesclevesis, Velsouna Suioca Vesclevesis f (ilia); 
Avita Aquillia L(uci) f(ilia), Volsouna Oplica Pl(a)etoris f(ilia) 
and Vendo Verica Triti f(ilius). 12 

The (4) Japodes dwelt behind the Liburnians in the hills 



11 Alfcldy 1974 (Venetie in Noricum). 
'-Untermann 1970. 



Naming lllyriam 



gnd forests <>i southern Croatia and western Bosnia. Their 
onomastic evidence appears to be .i mixture, with some names 
typically lllyrian: Diiius, Dmikio, Dims, I'antadienus, Plator, 
Platurius, Sestenius, Si-stus, Tatonia, Teuda, Trims and Vendes. 
Most occur in the eastern parts of their territory, notably 
around Bihac in the Una valley. Names of likely Liburnian 
origin include Turranius, Turrinius and Turus, which may 
indicate, along with the evidence of name formulae, a Venetie 
element among the Japodes. A group of names identified by 
Alloldy as of Celtic origin: Ammida, Andes, Iaritus, Matera, 
Maxa, Mellito, Muntanus, Nantia, Nonntio, Parmanicus, Poia, 
Sarins, Seneca, Sicu, Silus and Sinus are distributed throughout 
|apodian territory. A smaller group confined to their territory 
.ue to he regarded as typically Japodian: Anadrus, Deidmu, 
Dennaia, Loantius, Rufantius, Stennas/Stcnnato and Vandano. 
Alloldy's list of Celtic names has been queried by Katicic, with 
eight of the 16 (Andes, Iaritus, Maxa, Muntanus, Parmanicus, 
Sarins, Sinus and Silus) being discarded. Four names arc 
accepted as definitely Celtic: Nantia, Nonntio, Poia and Sicu. 
Mellito has a Greek and Celtic element, while the Celtic associ- 
ations of Ammida, Matera and Seneca remain questionable. 
Rather than constituting evidence for the surviving Celtic 
element in the ethnically mixed Japodians described by ancient 
writers, Katacic argues that the Celtic names are the result of 
outside contacts and the immigration of Romanized Celts dur- 
ing the first two centuries ad. The formulae of Japodian names 
arc the single name or single name plus patronymic. A two- 
name native formula of Venetie type is found where the first 
of the names appears to serve as a pracnomen in the Roman 
fashion, occurring mainly around Bihac and in the Lika, for 
example, Secundus Turrinius Muntani filius, Sestus Platorius 
Triti f(ilius)." 

The (5) Pannonian peoples occupied a large tract of territory 
north of the Delmatae, extending across the Roman provinces 
of Dalmatia and Pannonia, comprising the Bosnian valleys, 
parts of the Sava and Drava (Drau) valleys, and from the 
(apodes in the northwest to Macedonia in the southeast. Names 



"Katicic 1965, Rendic-Mioccvic 1975a. 



HO 



The Search /<>/ llfyriam 



typical ot I he Pamioni.in lllyri.ius according to Alfdldy arc 
common also among the Delmatae: Bato, Dasas, Liccaius and 
Scenobarbus. Names originating from the Delmatae or southern 
Illyrians include Carvus, Laidus, Plator, Temans, I cuta, Varro 
and Vcrzo. A smaller group is confined to the northeast Pan- 
nonians: Arbo, Arsa (possibly Thracian), Callo, Daetor, laulctis 
(gen.), Proradus and Victis (gen.). Alfoldy's Pannonian onomas- 
tic province has been challenged by Katicic on the grounds that 
the evidence of four distinguishing names is insufficient. Bato 
is not confined significantly to the Pannonians and seems to be 
no less attached to the Delmatae and to the southern Illyrians. 
Similarly Dasas/Dasius and Scenobarbus also occur among the 
Delmatae, and only the confined distribution of Liccaius indi- 
cates a distinctive Pannonian-Illyrian name. In arguing for the 
unity of the Dalmatian-Pannonian onomastic province, Katicic 
observes that Alfoldy lists four Pannonian names, seven of the 
Delmatae and five south Illyrian. But only one of these is fairly 
certainly Pannonian, two of the Delmatae and three south 
Illyrian, indicating that that the proposed division between 
Delmatae and Pannonian is not valid. The two-name formula 
is found among Pannonians, and the few known examples 
around Pljevlja in northern Montenegro may not be of local 
origin (see below). Most arc styled with the single name plus 
patronymic, for example, Teuta Vietis and Bato Liccai f(ilius). 
Among the Pannonians within Roman Dalmatia the western 
groups, including the Maezaei and Daesitiates, exhibit few 
outside connections, and those are with Delmatae immediately 
to the south, though in Alfoldy's view the two groups arc quite 
distinct, with many of the hitter's names unknown among 
Pannonians. This is in marked contrast to the more varied 
picture among the southeast Pannonians, notably the territory 
of the Pirustae, where in addition to Pannonian names, includ- 
ing the ethnic Pirusta and Scirto, a significant group of names 
of external origin is on record. 14 

The presence of Illyrians in the Celtic province of Noricum- 
Pannonia is for the most part marginal. There is no base for the 



'■•Mocsy 1967. 



N. imittg IllyrUuu 



si 



simple- equation, once widely entertained, thai the population of 
the pre-Celtic Hallstatt Iron Age in and north ol the eastern 
Alps were lllyrian-speakcrs, a refinemeni of earlier 'pan-IUyrian' 
theories now discarded. It is doubtful if the small number of 
Illyrian personal names in the south and southeast of the Celtic 
province represents any kind of ethnic survival from before the 
hitler's migration in the fourth century bc. At the same time, 
ii has been observed that it is in the same areas that the 
traditions of the material culture of the earlier Hallstatt Iron 
Age persisted with the least change down to the Roman period. 
Most of the Illyrian personal names and the few place-names 
occur on the sparsely populated margins of Carinthia. They 
may represent remnants of an Illyrian population expelled from 
this fertile region southwards into the Pannonian-Dalmatian 
region, with which the Illyrian names of Noricum arc connec- 
ted. On the other hand, movements of people during the Roman 
era can account for a dispersal of Pannonians and Delmatae, 
especially in such a productive mining region as the eastern 
Alps. 15 ' 

In Roman Pannonia the I.atobici and Varciani who dwelt 
east of the Vcnctic Catari in the upper Sava valley were Celtic 
but the Colapiani of the Colapis (Kulpa) valley were Illyrians 
(north Pannonian), exhibiting names such as Liccaius, Bato, 
Cralus, Lirus and Plassarus. The few names on record for other 
groups in the Sava valley belong to a more southerly Pannonian- 
Dalmatian group, the Illyrian Jasi with Scenus, the Breuci 
with Scilus Bato, Blaedarus, Dasmenus, Dasius, Surco, Sassaius, 
Liccaius and Lensus, and the Amantini and Scordisci around 
Sirmium with Tcrco and Precio, Dases and Dasmenus. It seems 
that at the time of the Roman conquest Illyrian peoples were 
not to bc found north of the river Drava. Most of the people 
in northern Pannonia have Celtic names, except for a group of 
Pannonian Illyrians, Bato, Brcucus, Dases, Dasmenus, Licco, 
Liccaius, etc., in the northeast around Brigetio. These are likely 
to represent ' a people called the Azali, Illyrians transported 
there from southern Pannonia during the wars of conquest 



" Alfoldy 1974 (Illyrian in Noricum). 



X.' 



I he Seart !• /<» lllyrians 



under Augustus and settled near the Danube between two 
Celtic groups, Boii in the west and Eravisci in the east.'* 

Around the middle Drina and the western Morava the ono- 
mastic evidence suggests a significant Celtic element among the 
population, confirmed also by tombstones with Celtic symbols 
and fashions of dress. Alfoldy has detected descendants of the 
Celtic Scordisci once dominant in the central Balkans. The 
number of Illyrian names in that area, Genthcna, Tatta, Dasius 
and Thana is small compared with the Celtic: Aioia, Andetia, 
Baeta, Bidna, Catta, Dussona, Encna, laca, Madusa, Matisa, 
Nindia, Sarnus, Seius, Totia and perhaps Pinenta. If the Scordi- 
sci did retain their Celtic character into the Roman era the 
Illyrian element may represent an assimilation of groups from 
the existing native population. Alfoldy's inventory of 15 Celtic 
names among the Scordisci has been severely pruned by Katicic. 
Only three, Catta, lata and Totia are judged to he certainly 
Celtic, with another four, Aioia, Bidna, Matisa and Nindia, 
possible. Six, Andetia, Baeta, Dussona, Enena, Madusa and 
Pinenta, are not, while Sarnus and Seius are either Celtic or 
north Illyrian. This Celtic presence around the middle Drina 
and Morava does not, in the view of Katicic, represent a 
Celtic survival of the Scordisci but was rather a consequence of 
contacts with the Celtic world following the Roman conquest. 
Whether the Scordisci were a Celtic or an Illyrian people has 
been considered by Fanoula Papazoglu (1978). The enquiry is 
at the outset confronted with confusion among the ancient 
writers. A tradition preserved by Strabo calls them Celtic, 
referring to their invasion of Greece and the southern Balkans 
in the third century bc:. Others describe them as lllyrians and 
one has them as Thracians. Appian includes the Scordisci in 
what must bc a late version of the Greek myth of Illyrian 
genesis. Moreover, to make the matter more uncertain, there 
seems to be real doubt as to whether the Scordisci, whose name 
appears to be of Illyrian origin, were ever really a separate 
people rather than a mixed group of Celts and lllyrians formed 
during and after the third-century migrations. This would 
explain their frequent and sudden changes of territory during 



"'Katicic 1966b (Celtic in Slovenia). 



Naming Ulyrtam 



the three centuries of then lustoiv, die lesult ol fluctuations in 
their political relations w ith neighbouring peoples ol the central 
Balkans. Certainly attempts to reconstruct a coherent history 
or identity for this people through combining and reconciling 
the written sources have rarely seemed to repay the effort.' 

The application of onomastic evidence to this matter seems 
to give rise to further problems. As we have seen, Katicic 
has questioned Alfoldy's identification of Celtic names, mainly 
female, from the western Drina, the western Morava and 
Mount Kosmaj south of Belgrade, and also the same scholar's 
suggestion that male children received Roman names, with 
Illyrian and Celtic traditional names being reserved for females. 
In the opinion of Papazoglu the material evidence is decisive 
lor the existence of a prc-Roman Celtic population along the 
south bank of the Danube between the mouth of the Drava at 
Mursa and that of the Timok in eastern Serbia, and this rep- 
resents the historical Scordisci. Also there are a number of 
( eltic place names in this area: Cornacum, Cuccium, Bononia, 
Malata, Cusum, Acumincum, Rittium, Burgenae, Taurunum, 
Singidunum, Tricornium, Vinccia, Viminacium, l.ederata, Pin- 
cum, Taliatac and Egcta. Even here the picture is far from 
clear: for example the name Pincum (Vclika Gradiste near the 
entrance to the Danube gorge) is claimed as a Celtic, Illyrian 
or Thracian name in each of the principal works of reference 
for these languages, and several others on the list have been 
claimed for more than one language. We may perhaps leave 
the difficult problem of Scordiscan identity with a summary of 
Papazoglu's reconstruction based on the historical, linguistic 
and material evidence. The Scordisci were a warrior-dominated 
Celtic group whose numerical strength did not increase even 
in the period when they dominated the central Balkans. Their 
heartland was the Danube bank between the Drava and the 
Danube gorge, an area they continued to inhabit after major 
defeats at the hands of Romans and Dacians. Even here they 
were intermixed with older strata of lllyrians, Dacians and 
Thracians, and the only part of their territory where a settled 
Celtic population was probably in the majority was the lower 



'"Alfoldy 1964b, Katicic 1965, Papazoglu 1978. 



K4 



/7'c Sr.iith /n/ IIIvii,iiis 



valley of the Morava. The survival ol Celtic Scordisci away 
from the river Danube is impossible to fringe from any variety 
of evidence currently available, though immigration in the 
Roman era is a more likely explanation tor the tew Celtic 
names on record. 

The evidence of personal names indicates an intrusive element 
in the population among the Pannonian Illyrians of northern 
Montenegro around Pljevlja and Prijepoljc. Apart from some 
names of Thracian origin, Bessus and Teres, and some Celtic 
names, Arvus, Bclzcius, Cambrius, laritus, Lautus, Madussa 
and Argurianus (either Thracian or Celtic), the only name of 
south Illyrian origin is Plares. On the other hand, there are 
many that are characteristic of the Delmatae, for example, 
Carvanius, Germanus, Lavianus, Panto, Pinsus, Pladomenus, 
Stataria, Testo, Tritto, Vendo and Verzaiius. The link with the 
Delmatae appears to be confirmed by the presence of the 
two-name formula, adopted by some western groups of the 
Delmatae from the Liburnians, for example, Cato Stataria, 
Tu(r)i f(ilia). This formula survived into the Roman era when 
some enfranchised natives exhibit two cognomina: P. Ael(ius) 
Pladome[nus] Carvanius, Aurelia Titulla Arguriana, Aurelia 
Titulla Cambria and Titus Aurelius Severus Celsianus. The area 
is remote from the homeland of the Delmatae and their presence 
may be explained as the result of mass eviction from near the 
Adriatic in order to accommodate new Roman settlers. The 
areas to which they were transported may well have been 
chosen because of the severe depopulation that had occurred 
during the final stages of the Roman conquest. 18 

Along the eastern margins of the Illyrians there is a broad 
area of intermingling or 'contact zone' between names of Illyr- 
ian and Thracian origin, running from the Danube below Bel- 
grade down the west of the Morava valley to the Vardar and 
the northern border of Macedonia. The number of recorded 
native names in this area is not large. Those of Illyrian and 
Thracian origins occur together in the mining area of Mount 
Kosmaj south of Belgrade and there is another group of names 
from the Metohija area of Dardania. Native names of Roman 



18 Alfoldy 1964a (Delmatae in northern Montenegro!. 



Naming lllyrlam 



KS 



soldiers recruited in the second century vd from Scupi (Skopje) 
in the south and Katiaria (Archar) on the Danube include a 
tew names of Pannonian Illyrian origin, lor example, Dassius 
and Andio, but familiar Thracian names, Bitus, Sinna, Dolens, 
Drigissa, Mucco, Auluzon, Mucatral and Daizo, are in the 
majority. The Illyrian component is markedly stronger in Dard- 
.mi.i, including Das(s)ius, Scerviaedus and Andia, but Thracian 
names are also found, Sita and Nanca. Whether the Dardanians 
were an Illyrian or a Thracian people has been much debated 
aiul one view suggests that the area was originally populated 
with Thracians who were then exposed to direct contact with 
Illyrians over a long period. 19 

The ethnic affinities of the Dardanians, from whose name is 
said to derive the modern Albanian word for 'pear' (dardhe), 
as revealed in the evidence of names from their territory have 
been examined by Papazoglu. Literary sources record Dardan- 
ian names for three medicinal plants. From the Materia Medica 
of Pedanius Dioscuridcs, a Roman military doctor from 
Anazarbus in Cilicia who lived in the time of Nero, we learn 
that gentiana was called aloitis and aristolocheia makra or 
klcmatitis (wormwood or birthwort, a herb promoting 
childbirth) was called sopitis. From another writer we learn 
that cacalia was the Dardanian name for Mercurialis tomentosa 
('hairy' Mercury); this also occurs as a personal name on an 
imperial rescript issued at Viminacium on the Danube in ad 
2S>4. The recorded names of Dardanian leaders during the 
Macedonian and Roman wars, Longarus, Bato and Monunius, 
whose daughter F.tuta was married to the Illyrian king Gentius, 
arc all Illyrian. Native names on Roman tombstones of the 
second to third centuries are unevenly distributed in Dardanian 
territory, with several areas entirely devoid of evidence. Illyrian 
names in Dardanian territory include Andio, Andinus, Annus, 
Anna, Catulla (?), Cinna, Citto, Dasius (four examples)/Dassius 
(seven examples), Dicco, Epicadus, Epicaris, Messius/Messa, 
Plannius, Scerviaedus, Tata/Tatta, Times (three examples), Tur- 
ranis, Turelius (two examples), Vanno (two examples), Varanus 



'"Dardanian names: Mocsy 1974, Papazoglu 1978. Also Mirdita 1981, 
Pctrova 1983-4. 



86 



//-<• Sr.ir.h /<., Illyn.m* 



(two examples), Varanilla ami Varidius. I In- I In. nun nanus 
include: Auluporis, Auluzon, Bithus (three examples), Celsus 
(two examples), Celsinus, Cocaius, Daizo, Dolus, Dida, Dincn- 
tilla, Dizas, Dizo (two examples), Dolens, Eptaikenthos, Ettela, 
Mania, Murco (three examplcs)/Moca, Mucatralis, Mucaius, 
Teres (three examples), Torcula and Tzitzis. 

In the matter of distribution the Thracian names are found 
mainly in eastern Dardania, from Scupi to Naissus (Nis) and 
Remesiana, although some Illyrian names do occur. The latter 
are entirely dominant in the western areas, Pristina-Mitrovica 
(Kosovo) and Prizren-Pcc, while Thracian names are absent. 
The meaning of this state of affairs has been variously inter- 
preted, ranging from notions of Thracianization' (in part) of 
an existing Illyrian population to the precise opposite. In favour 
of the latter may be the close correspondence of Illyrian names 
in Dardania with those of the southern "real' Illyrians to their 
west, including the names of Dardanian rulers, Longarus, Bato, 
Monunius and Etuta, and those on later epitaphs, Epicadus, 
Scerviaedus, Tuta, Times and Cinna. Other Dardanian names 
are linked with the central Dalmatian group as defined by 
R. Katicic, for example, Andius/Andia, Andinus, Annus/Anna, 
Dasius and Plannius. Yet this leaves a number of Dardanian 
names with no parallel outside the area, including Ambia, 
Blicities, Bubita, Cocaius, Ettela, Maema, Mesccna, Mesta, 
Momonia, Nanea (four examples), Ninis, Pasades, Pitta, 
Romma, Sausa and Utinadius. These make any neat apportion- 
ing of the Dardanian onomastic material less plausible and 
suggests that the Dardanians arc better regarded as a separate 
onomastic province. The problems are no less in regard to the 
place-names in the region, where claims of Illyrian or Thracian 
origins have been similarly advanced. Out of a total of 20, only 
four, Naissus, Remesiana, Scupi and Margus, are definitely 
Thracian and eight Illyrian, Anausaro, Arribantion, Drauda- 
cum, Cabuleum, Creveni, Scardus, Sarnuntum and Ulcinium 
(?). The two groups are distributed in a pattern similar to the 
personal names, Thracian only in the east and Illyrian mainly, 
but not entirely, in the west. 

As modern scholarship becomes more sceptical of simple 
theories of how change occurred in the remote past, so the 
homogeneities of prehistoric and historic formations have been 



N.immx lltyriam 



revealed as false 01 illusory. I In- idea <>l majoi undifferentiated 
peoples such as ( elis, Dacians, Thracians and Illyrians still 
remains useful as a general conccpl bul attempts to define more 
l<n isely such groups lead to confusion and disintegration. This 
si. He <>l .ill. ins has become more marked as new methods and 
techniques enable archaeologists to pay greater attention to 
locally definable groups within the increasing mass of material 
evidence. In the case of the Illyrians the tendency of modern 
historical and linguistic researches has been to define Illyrians 
.is .1 name applied by Greeks to a group of Indo-European- 
speaking peoples in Albania and Montenegro. To the north of 
these were other peoples, dwelling between the Adriatic and 
the Drava valley, who spoke a language akin to that of these 
'real' Illyrians, to whom the Illyrian name was applied, along 
with the Roman geographical term lllyricum in the years pre- 
ceding the conquest, bur who were generally identified as 
Delmatae and Pannonii. Beyond these the Vcnetic peoples of 
northeast Italy, Istria, the northern Adriatic and the eastern 
Alps, sometimes included by ancient writers with Illyrians, are 
Sel apart by their language from these two principal Illyrian 
groups. 



Part 11 
Greek lllyrians 



4 



Neighbours of the Greeks 



Adriatic Illyrians 

During the reign of the emperor Antoninus Pius (ad 138-161), 
that high summer of the Roman Empire, a senior administrator, 
retired from the imperial service, devoted his leisure to compos- 
ing an account in Greek of Rome's rise to world empire. The 
work was arranged according to the different nations and 
peoples Rome had defeated and incorporated, and one chapter, 
titled lllyrike, dealt with Illyrians. Appianus of Alexandria was 
an admirer of the Roman Kmpire and he was most at case 
when recounting the wars and victories which led to its cre- 
ation. Social and political themes he found generally less con- 
genial or more difficult to record and his short section on 
Illyrians hears this out. Nevertheless, the works of Appian arc 
a valuable source for the formative years of the Roman Empire, 
though this status is due in part to their survival nearly intact 
while the works of better informed historians have perished. 

The lllyrike opens with an account of the lands and the 
origins of Illyrians: 

The Greeks call those people lllyrian who dwell beyond Macedonia 
and Thrace, from Chaonia and Thesprotia to the river Danube. That 
is the length of the country, while its breadth is from Macedonia and 
the mountains of Thrace to Pannonia and the Adriatic and the 
foothills of the Alps. It is five days' journey in breadth and thirty 
across, say the Greeks. The Romans measured the country as above 
six thousand stades in length (750 Roman miles) and about twelve 
hundred stades (150 Roman miles) in width. {lllyrike 1) 



92 



Greek lllyrians 



They say that the country w.is ii.nnal alter lllyrius, son ol Poly- 
phemus; for the Cyclops Polyphemus and his wife dalatea hail three 
sons, Coitus, lllyrius and Galas, who all migrated Irom Sicily and 
ruled over peoples named after them, Celts, lllyrians and Galatians. 
This seems to me to be the most acceptable of the numerous myth- 
ologies among the many peoples. lllyrius had six sons, Fnchcleus, 
Autarieus, Dardanus, Maedus, Taulas and Perrhaebus, also daught- 
ers, Partho, Daortho, Dassaro, and others. From these sprang the 
Taulantii, the Perrhaebi, Enchelees, Autaries, Dardani, Partheni, Das- 
saretii and the Daorsii. Autarieus had a son Pannonius, or Paeon, 
and the latter had sons, Scordiscus and Triballus, from whom also 
nations bearing similar names originated. But these matters I shall 
set on one side for those who study the distant past. (Illyrike 2) 

How the name Illyrian came to be applied to many different 
peoples, as indicated here by Appian and also by similar 
accounts in the works of other writers, is still debated. A widely 
accepted explanation is that Illyrii was once no more than the 
name of a single people known to have occupied a small and 
well defined part of the south Adriatic coast, around the Lake 
of Shkodcr astride the modern frontier between Albania and 
Yugoslav Montenegro. Appian's mythological genealogy of 
lllyrians reflects the use of the name as a generic term for 
different peoples within a reasonably well defined bur much 
greater area, the western Balkans between the Middle Danube 
and the Adriatic. The key evidence for lllyrians as the name of 
an individual people in the south comes in the Natural History 
of the Elder Pliny, composed in the middle decades of the first 
century ad. This names 'lllyrians properly so-called' (Illyrii 
proprie dicti) among the native communities in Roman Dalma- 
tia (NH 3.144). Evidently these were the first people of this 
area to become known to the Greeks, causing their name to 
be applied to other peoples with similar language and customs. 1 

Appian's description of the Illyrian territories records a sou- 
thern boundary with Chaonia and Thesprotia, where ancient 
Epirus began south of the river Aous (Vijose). The country 



1 Pajakovvski 1980. 



Neighbour* ■•/ />'■• Gntki 



93 



Immediately to the north, between the m.isi and the high 
mountains, was known to the classical Greeks as lllyris and 

Was inhabited by several peoples whose eponymous ancestors 
appear in Appian's Illyrian genealogy quoted above. The Taul- 
antii descended from taulas dwelt in the Mat valley and in the 
hinterland of the Greek colony Epidamnus, the later Dyrrhach- 
ium (modern Durres). Behind these dwelt the Encheleae around 
i In upper Drin and Lake Ohrid, while in the middle and upper 
valley of the river Genusus (Shkumbin) dwelt the Parthini, 
descended from Partho, daughter of lllyrius. From this it has 
been inferred that if the first Greek contacts with a people 
Called lllyrians took place when the latter dwelt around the 
I ake of Scodra, that is, north of the Taulantii and Parthini, 
there must have occurred later a southward movement of Illyr- 
ian people into an area once inhabited by Greek speakers. 
There may be some coincidence between this notional Illyrian 
expansion with a southward movement of iron-using peoples 
caily in the first millenium nc:. 2 

hi the southern Balkans the territorial definition of ancient 
peoples is no less difficult than has proved to be the case with 
modem nation states formed out of the Ottoman Empire, and 
lor similar reasons. In areas where a large proportion of the 
population was accustomed to seasonal movement innovation 
in their material culture derived mainly from their contact 
with itinerants, and notions of a frontier can often have little 
meaning, either in political or material terms. This state of 
affairs is evident not only in the vague descriptions of Illyrian 
peoples by Greek writers but even in the frontiers between 
Greeks and non-Greeks in that direction. Thus Herodotus 
(4.49), writing in Athens around the middle of the fifth century, 
seems to imply a greater Illyria, extending from Epirus to the 
Veneti and inland to the Serbian Morava (his Angros in the 
land of the Autariatae). This account fits fairly well with the 
onomastic evidence and may have been based on the evidence 
of traders familiar with Illyrian territory. Yet the Greek world 



2 Hammond 1982a. 



94 



Greek lllyrians 



as a whole knew little ol these more remote Illy ri.ms .mil Irom 
around the middle of the fourth century i« a much narrower 
definition appears to have prevailed.' 

The earliest surviving account of the lllyrian peoples is to In- 
found in the Periplus or Coastal Passage, a clockwise account 
of the sailor's route around the Adriatic composed probably 
around the middle of the fourth century rc:. The name and 
origin of its author arc not known, although a mistaken tra- 
dition has attributed the work to Scylax of Caryanda, a famous 
mariner who navigated the Indian Ocean and the river Indus 
on behalf of the Persian king Darius at the end of the sixth 
century. The Adriatic voyage is described in 14 chapters, start- 
ing from southern Italy: 

14 After Lucania the people of the Japyges extend as far as mount 
Orion, which lies in the Adriatic. The voyage along the coast of 
Japygia lasts six days and six nights. There are in fact Greeks 
dwelling in Japygia and their cities are Heraclea, Metapontum, 
Tarentum and the port Hydruntum on the coast within the Ionian 
or Adriatic sea. 

15 Next after mount Orion and the Japyges comes the people of 
the Samnites, who extend from the Tyrrhenian sea to the Adriatic. 
The voyage along the Samnite country lasts two days and one 
night. 

16 After the Samnites comes the people of the Umbri, where lies 
the city of Ancona. This people worships Diomede, as a result of the 
benefits received from him, and they maintain a shrine of Diomede. 
The voyage along Umbria lasts two days and one night. 

17 After the Umbri an people come the Tyrrheni: they extend from 
the Tyrrhenian sea on the far side to the Adriatic. In their country 
lies the Greek city Spina and the river Spines, and the voyage upstream 
to the city is around twenty stades. The journey from the city of Pisa 
to that same place lasts three days. 

1 8 Next after the Ty rrheni is the Celtic people, who were left behind 
from the Celtic expedition and who occupy a small territory extending 
to the Adriatic. At this point comes the innermost recess of the 
Adriatic. 

19 After the Celts come the people of the Veneti, in whose land is 
the river Eridanus. Here the passage lasts one day. 



'Cabanes 1988a. 



Neighbour! of /'-<• Grnki 



9$ 



U) Aftci the Veneti the river Ister. I Ins rivei Mows also into the 
Pontus Euxinus, lacing in the direction <-f Egypt. The coastal voyage 
•long the Istrian region lasts .1 day and a night. 
.'I Aftei the Istri is the people ol the Libumi. In the territory <>l 
thai people are the following coastal cities: Lias, Idassa, Attienites, 
Dvvii.i, Ampsi, (Ki, I'edetae, Hemioni | Alos, Tarsatica, Senites, 
Dvvit i. Topsi, Ortopclctae, Hcgini]. These people are ruled by 
women, who are the wives of freeborn men, but they cohabit with 
their own slaves and with the men of the neighbouring regions. Before 
the coast lie islands, of which I can record the following names (for 
there are many others which have no name): die island Istns 310 
Itades long anil 120 stades wide, the Elektrides, and die Mentorides 
are the large islands. Then comes the (river) Catarbates. The voyage 
along the coast of the Libumi lasts two days. 
11 After the Libumi there come the lllyrian people. The Illyrii dwell 
In tin- sea as far as Chaonia, which lies opposite Corcyra, the island 
nl Alcinous. There is situated the Greek city called Heraclea, with a 
harbour. There dwell the Lotus-eaters, barbarian peoples with the 
names I lierastamnae, Bulini, and Hylli who arc neighbours of the 
Bulini. This people tell that Hyllus the son of Hercules had his 
dwelling among them. They are a barbarian people occupying a 
peninsula a little smaller than the Peloponnese. The Bulini are also 
.in lllvnan people. The voyage along the land of the Bulini as far as 
the river Nestus takes one day. 

2i The Nesti. After the river Nestus the voyage follows a course 
around a bay which is called the Manius bay and which takes one 
day. Within the bay lie the islands Proterius, Cratiae and Olynta. The 
distance between them is |?8 or 12| stades or less and they lie in the 
direction of Pharos and Issa. The former is now Pharos the Greek 
island and the latter Issa, on both of which there are Greek cities. 

Before one reaches the river Naron a broad strip of land extends 
far into the sea. 

There is an island close to the coastal region named Mehte, and 
another close to it is named Black Corcyra, where the land extends 
out from the coast in a second promontory but the other faces in the 
direction of the river Naron. Corcyra lies twenty stades from Melite 
and eight from the mainland coast. 

24 Manii. After the Nesti is the river Naron. The passage into the 
narrows of the river is unimpeded. Indeed triremes and cargo vessels 
sail as far as the trading settlement which lies upwards of eighty 
stades from the sea. The people living there arc the Manii, who are 
by race lllyrians. 
Beyond, there is a huge lake, extending from the inland side of the 



Greek Illyrians 



trading settlement .is far .is the Auian.ii.u-, an Illyrian people. In the 
lake is an island of one hundred and twenty stades, thai is especially 
favourable for agriculture. The river Nam Hows on out ol this lake. 
From the Naron to the river Arion is a day's voyage. 

Then from the river Arion (to the river Rhizon) the voyage is a 
half-day. There are the rocks of Cadmus and Harmonia and a shrine 
not far from the river Rhizon. From the river Rhizon to Bouthoe is 
(a half-day voyage, as it is also to the Rhizon) trading settlement. 

25 Enchelei. The Enchelei are an Illyrian people, who inhabit the 
land after Rhizon. From Bouthoe to Epidanmus, a Greek city, the 
voyage takes a day and a night, by land three days. 

26 Taulantii. The Taulantii are an Illyrian people, in whose land is 
the city Epidamnus. A river flows by the city, by name the Palamnus. 
Then from Epidamnus to Apollonia, a Greek city, the journey on 
foot takes two days. Apollonia lies fifty stades from the sea and the 
river Aias flows by the city. From Apollonia to Amanda the distance 
is 320 stades. From Amantia more within the Ionian Gulf is the city 
Oricus. 

The journey to the sea of Oricus is eighty stades, of Amantia sixty. 
Bounding all these on the south are the Atintanes, below Oricus and 
Chaonia as far as Dodona. 

Around this area are the Ceraunian mountains in Epirus, and 
nearby is a small island, named Sason. From there to Oricus the 
voyage is one third of a day. 

27 These are the Illyrian peoples, extending from the Bulini up to 
this point. The opening of the Ionian gulf extends between the 
Ceraunian mountains and the Japygian peninsula. And to the city of 
Hydruntum from the Ceraunian mountains the crossing is around 
five hundred stades. This is the entrance to the gulf, and that which 
lies within is called the Ionian gulf. There are many harbours in the 
Adriatic: the Adriatic and Ionian gulf are one and the same. 4 

In this surviving version the Coastal Passage attributed to 
Scylax contains confusions, later interpolations and plain 
errors. Yet this first authentic account of the Adriatic lists the 
names of several Illyrian peoples on the east coast down as far 
as the river Aous (Vijose). Their northern limit was the river 
Catarbates, beyond which dwelt the Liburni, Istri and (V)eneti 
who are not included among the Illyrian peoples. From the 

4 Scylacis Caryandettsis Periplus maris ad litora habitata turopae et Asiae 
et Libyae, GGM vol. 1, pp. 15-96 (Greek text with Latin version). 



Neighbours of //><• (.reeks 



basis ol tins document, along with information from othci 
writers, ii is possible to reconstruct a polun.il geography ol the 
eastern Adriatic as it was known to the (.reek world around 
the middle ol the fourth century i« . In a later work of the 
same character, the Coastal Voyage {Periegesis) attributed to 
Scymnus and compiled at the end of the second century bc, a 
narrower definition of Illyrians excludes the Bulini and Hylli to 
make Illyrian territory commence on the coast around Sibenik, 
north of Split. In the previous century the geographer Eratosth- 
enes had moved the limit of the Illyrians northwards to the 
Neretva but excluded the Nestoi who dwelt around the river 
Nesios (Cetina). These definitions of Illyrians may have been 
academic until around 200 bc; when lllyria meant the kingdom 
on the south Adriatic. The later extension of lllyria/Illyricum 
to all the lands between Adriatic and Danube came only in the 
Roman era.' 

Beginning in the south the first Illyrians near the coast were 
the Byllioncs beyond the river Aous in the hinterland of Apol- 
lonia. Their hill-settlement developed later into the town of 
Byllis, at Gradisht on the right bank of the Aous. The identity 
and location of the Atintani/Antintancs remain a problem. One 
recent solution is that there were in fact two groups of this 
name, the Atintanes in Epirus and the Illyrian Atintani in 
the region Ccrmenike north of Klbasan. Another view locates 
Atintanes among the hills on the right bank of the Aous in the 
Mallakastra north of Tepelen and perhaps as far as the area 
of Skrapar. This places them in a key strategic situation on the 
route between the Adriatic and Thessaly via the Metsovo pass 
or to Macedonia via the Korcc basin. Whether or not the 
commonwealth (koinon) of the Illyrian Byllioncs attested after 
232 bc: belonged to these Atintanes, who according to Thucyd- 
ides were connected with the Molossians, is not clear. Their 
chief settlement at Gradisht had acquired an urban character 
by the middle of the third century.'' 

The Taulantii were a group who at various times dominated 

s Anonyrni [Scymni Chii ut fertur] Orbis Descriptio, GGM vol. I 
pp. 1 96-237 (on Adriatic, lines 369-443). 

" Atintani/cs: Hammond 1967b, 1989 (two peoples), Papazoglu 1970c 
(against division); Bvlliones: N. Ceka 1984, 1987a, 1987b. 



98 



(,»,•.•/• Illyrians 



much of the plain between the Aous and the Drin. Ii was 
Ulyrian Taulantii from Lpidamnus who occupied the site of 
Apollonia before the arrival of the (ireek colonists around MX) 
BC. Once they were called in by the Cireek settlers to seize 
Epidamnus, after they had been ejected by the l.iburni. Among 
groups who may have belonged to the Taulantii, known to 
Greeks for their method of preparing mead from honey, were 
the Abri, named by the sixth-century writer Hecataeus as neigh- 
bours of the Chelidones, the 'snail-men', who may have lived 
on their northern borders towards the Mat or Drin valleys." 

Behind the coast Illyrians bordered the Chaones, the Epirote 
people of whom the Dexari or Dassaretae were the most north- 
erly and bordered the Illyrian Enchclci, the 'eel-men', whose 
name points to a location near Lake Ohrid. According to 
Polybius (5.108), the Dassaretae possessed several towns, 
though none has yet been definitely located, including Pelion, 
Antipatreia (probably Berat), Chrysondym, Gertous or Gerous 
and Grconion. I. ivy's reference to 'Pirustae of the Dassareti' 
(45.26) in the second century BC may be an error of the 
manuscript: Pirustae dwelt some way to the north in Bosnia 
and northern Montenegro and were among the last of the 
Illyrians to surrender to the Romans. North of Dassaretis in 
the middle and upper valley of the Genusus was the territory 
of the Illyrian Parthini, likely to hav e been part of the Taulantii 
until they first appear as Roman allies late in the third century 

BC. 8 

The region of Lake Lychnitis (Ohrid), which abounds in fish, 
lies at a narrow point of the Adriatic-Aegean watershed and 
through it passes not only the main cast-west route but also 
one between north and south. Ibis was the territory of the 
Enchelei, whose rulers claimed descent from the hero Cadmus. 
Said to have come from Phoenicia, he arrived in Greece and, 
after many adventures, founded and ruled over Thebes along 
with his wife Harmonia. Later they moved to the Enchclci, 
then at war with Illyrians, but who bad received an oracle that 

7 Hammond 1966. Abri and Chelidones: Hecataeus, FGrllisl vol.1, 
F100-1; Taulantian honey: Aristotle, On Marvellous Things Heard 22 (LCL 
vol. 14, p. 246). 

s Hammond 1966, 1967b, 606-7. 



Neighbours >>/ Qntki 



99 



victory would In- theirs it they received < admus as king. After 
this had come about as foretold, Cadmus .mil Harmonia ruled 
over them and founded tin- towns ol Bouthoe (Budva) anil 
1 vihnidus (Ohrid). In the end king and queen were transformed 
by Zeus into dragons anil removed to Elysium, while his son 
lllyniis or Polydorus succeeded to his throne. The I'eripkts 
places the Enchelei on the coast north of the Taulantii and 
attributes to them Bouthoe, on the coast near the Gulf of 
Kotor, which also figures in the Cadmus legend. If the Taulantii 
extended north to the Mat valley the Enchelei may have con- 
trolled the lower Drin and the plain around Shkodcr. At this 
point the Periplus, as we have it, is muddled over the river 
N.iron, the modern Ncretva, and the Arion, which must be the 
.iik lent Drilon, the Albanian Drin. It seems best in this matter 
to follow the solution of M. Suic that the lake is in fact the 
I .ike of Sbkoder, into and out of which the Drin has flowed 
at various times in its history. Accepting this makes it possible 
to place the Autariatac beyond the lake and north of the lower 
Dun, which makes better sense than much further north in the 
mountains around the upper Neretva. 9 

With the Enchelei on the lower Drin and the Black Drin up 
to the source at Ohrid, their northern neighbours will have 
been the Autariatae, dwelling beyond the mountains which 
now divide northern Albania from Yugoslavia. What Greek 
sources tell of this remote people amounts to hardly more than 
anecdote. Whether or not the Ardaei already occupied the coast 
between the Lake of Shkoder and the Neretva remains in doubt. 
The rise to power on the Adriatic during the third century 
of these neighbours of the Autariatae will have involved the 
absorption of several smaller groups recorded for that area, 
including the Labeatcs, who appear to have retained their 
separate identity into the early Roman period. 

The Illyrian Manii dwelt on the lower Neretva on the long 
narrow bay formed by the northwards-projecting peninsula 
Pcljesac, and named Manius Bay after them. To their north the 
Nesti occupied the coast and hinterland around the Nestus 
(Cetina). This region was later occupied by the Dclmatae but 



"Katicic 1977b, Suic 1953, Papazoglu 196.5, 1978, Martinovic 1966. 



11)0 



( Week lllyrians 



their name does noi appear until the second century i« . 
Opposite the Nesti on the mainland were the larger Dalmatian 
islands, Mclite (Mljet), Black Corcyra (Korcula), which lies 
close to die tip of Peljesac, and then Pharos (Hvar) and Issa 
(Vis). In Crateia we may discern the name Brattia (Brae) and 
in Olunta that of Solentia (Solta), which lie nearer to the 
mainland opposite Split. If the river Catarbates which marks 
the southern boundary of the Liburni is the Krka, the ancient 
Titus, which flows into the Adriatic through Lake Prokljan 
near Sibenik, then on the short stretch of coast between that 
and the Nestus (Cetina) are to be located some lesser Illyrian 
groups, the Bulini, Hierastamnae and Hylli. There seems to be- 
no connection between these and the Delmatae later so domi- 
nant in this region, nor is there yet any reference to Salona at 
the head of its great bay or to Tragurium (Trogir) and Epetium 
(Stobrec) which were once possessions of the Greek colony on 
Issa. The Hylli take their name from Hyllus, a mythical son of 
Heracles, and the name persisted into Roman times as that of 
the headland on the coast south of Sibenik, the peninsula 
Hyllica, a place connected also with the cult of the hero 
Diomede. The name of the Bulini may be recalled by Bulinia, 
a place somewhere in this area on the Peutinger Map, a late 
Roman road map which survives in a medieval copy discovered 
in the sixteenth century by Conrad Peutinger. There seems little 
doubt that these smaller Illyrian communities known individu- 
ally in the fourth century were later absorbed by the Delmatae. 
This is the case with the Caulici, Mentores, Syopii and Hythmi- 
tae listed in the region by Hecataeus of Miletus of the sixth 
century and with the Ismeni and Mentores named in the second 
century bc by the Periegesis. 10 

The Liburni are placed by Hecataeus on the innermost part 
of the Adriatic gulf. In the Periplus they dwell on the northeast 
Adriatic between lllyrians and Istri, where much of the coast 
is closed off from the interior by the Velcbit mountains and 
screened by the islands of the Dalmatian archipelago. The 
Liburnian name seems to have passed into general use from 
the time when they dominated not only the entire Dalmatian 



Suic 1955. Hecataeus, K'.rHist vol. i, p. 20, F93-6. 



Neighbour* >•/ the Creek* 



101 



coasi but even foi a time held Corcyra (Corfu) from which 
the) were ejected by Corinthian settlers in the eighth century. 
A Liburnian maritime supremacy, or thalassocracy, recalls a 
historical tradition from a time when peoples were possibly 
moving across the Adriatic from east to west, from Liburnia 
into Picenum and from lllyria into Messapia and Japygia. The 
garbled list of places on the Liburnian coast in the Periplus 
has been reconstructed to name Tarsatica (Trsat near Rijeka), 
Lopsica (Sv Juraj), Scnia (Senj) and Ortopula (Stinica), all in 
the northern part of historical Liburnia. The difficulty here is 
that this interpretation necessitates the identification of the 
river Catarbates with the Zrmanja (the ancient Tedanius) north 
ol Zadar, placing the southern limit of the Liburni farther to 
the north than was ever later the case. Another, and more 
plausible, reconstruction lists Apsyrtae, the modern islands Crcs 
and Mali Losinj in the Kvarner, Alypsoi of the later Lopsica 
among the northern Liburni, and some of the major settlements 
on the plain behind Zadar, including Nedinum (Nadin), 
Aenona (Nin) and Jader (Zadar). In that case the Catarbates, 
literally the 'steeply-falling', is the Krka, which marked the 
boundary between Liburnians and Dalmatians in Hellenistic 
and Roman times. Finally, a long-standing association between 
the head of the Adriatic and the amber trade explains the name 
Elektrides (from elektroti, the Greek word for amber) for some 
islands of the Kvarner gulf, including Crcs, Krk and Mali 
Losinj. The Mentores named by Hecataeus and other writers 
may denote other islands, such as Rab (ancient Arba) or Pag 
(Gissa). The reference to the Istrian peninsula as an island of 
around 40 by 15 miles is a not uncharacteristic error of the 
Periplus. 11 

Lor all its confusions the Periplus leaves no doubt that the 
inland peoples between the Adriatic and Sava were, if not 
altogether unknown, at least not in regular contact with the 
Greek world of the fourth century ■«:. A possible reference by 
Hecataeus to the Japodes, who occupied the Lika plain behind 
the Velcbit, — 'Japygia a town in Italy and in lllyria' - docs 
not alter this picture. Aside from amber there may have been 



"Suic 1955. 



102 



Creek Ilfyriant 



little to attract Greeks towards the Libumian shore ol the upper 
Adriatic, even il we treat as exaggeration the remark of .1 citizen 
of classical Athens that sending a ship into the Adriatic at all 
was an act of madness. An unfamiliarity with the upper Adriatic 
is implied by the wide currency of the story that a branch of 
the Danube flowed into it, by which it was possible to sail 
between the Black Sea and the Adriatic. The fable was somehow 
bound up with a similarity in name between the Adriatic Istri 
and Ister, the Greek name for the (lower) Danube, as they came 
to know it from the direction of the Black Sea. Also connected 
with this was a belief that there existed an isthmus between 
the head of the Adriatic and the Black Sea, repeated by Theo- 
pompus, a historian of the fourth-century nc:, from whom it 
was copied by the Coastal Voyage attributed to Scymnus of 
Chios, by which time the story had become embedded in myths 
of the heroes. This version actually has a branch of the Danube 
entering the Adriatic. This is the background to one version of 
the return voyage of the Argonauts, up the Danube and Sava 
to enter the Adriatic by the Po, which appears in the poem of 
the third-century Apollonius of Rhodes. Absyrtus, the slaugh- 
tered half-brother of Medea, was commemorated by an island 
in the northern Adriatic, while another story has it that Olcin- 
ium (Ulcinj) on the coast of Montenegro near the Lake of 
Shkoder was a foundation of the pursuing Colchians. IJ 

The fantastic story of the return voyage of the Argo may 
echo voyages by Greeks in the remote past, venturing far 
beyond the known limits of their world. That they should 
return via the distant Adriatic may derive from the route of a 
known trade link with Central Europe. A similar basis may 
be suggested for Herodotus' story (4.32) of the Hyperborean 
offerings: 'According to the Delians, certain sacred offerings 
wrapped up in wheat-straw come from the Hyperboreans into 
Scythia, whence they are taken over by the neighbouring 
peoples in succession until they get as far west as the Adriatic; 
from there they arc sent south, and the first Greeks to receive 



12 Beaumont 1936, Katicic 1970, 1976c, Hccataeus, FGrHist vol. 1, p. 20, 
F97 (Japvgia). 



Neighbours ••/ tl<,- Graki 



them arc the Dodonaeans' (ol Dodona, the famous oracle of 
Zeus m Epirus). Something ol the mechanics "I prehistoric 
trade is revealed In the manner in which these gifts, which may 
have been pieces of amber destined for the Apollo of Delos, 
wen- passed from one group to another on their journey. 
Another voyage on this scale may lie behind the story of the 
treacherous Trojan Anterior who travelled to the Adriatic after 
the fall of Troy, where he is said to have founded several towns. 
One tradition connects him with Black Corcyra (Korcula). 
Another, already current in the time of the fifth-century drama- 
tist Sophocles, tells of a descent of the (V)cneti from the (H)eneti 
ol Asia Minor which was the background to yet another tale 
that Antenor, who had led them to Thrace, then journeyed to 
the head of the Adriatic and founded the town of Patavium 
(Padua)." 

I he classical Greeks had only to travel a short distance to 
the north or the northwest to find themselves in a land that 
was remote and strange. Soon after the sailor turned north out 
of the Gulf of Corinth a short voyage brought him to the river 
Achelous, where the Greek world ended. Beyond this the Greek 
communities of Acarnania and around the Ambracian gulf were 
outposts in a barbarian world. Futher north again Thesprotia 
was a remote land at the end of the world, and even the famous 
oracle of Zeus at Dodona among the Molossians was not 
easily accessible. Greek writers such as Thucydidcs viewed the 
•mainland' (epeiros) from the perspective of Corcyra with its 
Corinthian colony facing across the strait. For the educated 
Athenian, people of this land lived in the old primitive ways, 
(hough this view was also taken of the Aetolians who, though 
Greek, had not yet advanced to the civilized urban life. Beyond 
Corcyra there were no city-states (poleis) but only tribes [ethne), 
such as the belligerent Chaonians. Few comprehended their 
languages, they dwelt in unfortified villages, ate their food 
uncooked and knew little of the vine. Though more accurate 
information must have become available over the centuries 



"Katicic 1988 (Antenor), 1989 (Diomcdes). 



104 



Greek Illyrians 



many later writers seemed content to pass on tins portrayal In 
Thucydides. lor Kphorns, writing in the fourth century Bt:, 
Acarnania was the end of (. reeee in that direction. 1 '' 

As we have already seen, the Periplus sets the southern limit 
of Illyrians around Apollonia, where Chaonia began, but offers 
no ethnic definition for several groups between Illyrians and 
Greeks, including Chaonians, Thesprorians, Cassopaeans and 
Molossians. Though Polybius' doubts as to whether the Aetoli- 
ans were really Greeks (18.1, 5) may be discarded as the partial 
view of an upper-class Achaean towards a rival power, there 
does appear to have been a consistent tradition from the time 
of Homer that Greeks ended with Acarnanians and barbarians 
began with Thesprotians. To Plutarch, who came from 
Chacronea in Boeotia, Greeks living north of Acroceraunia 
(Gape I.inguetta/Kep i Gjuhczes) were exiles. Nevertheless there 
does seem to be evidence that these peoples of Epirus between 
Acharnania and Illyria spoke a language akin to Greek, though 
this is contested by Albanians who would have them to be 
Illyrians. From this point of view the use of Greek by these 
peoples by the middle of the fourth century must be reckoned 
as an alien official language, employed by a king (370-368 bc) 
of the Molossians for two decrees at Dodona. Perhaps more 
telling in favour of their non-Illyrian character is that well- 
born Molossians were admitted to the major athletic festivals 
of Greeks, an invitation never extended to Illyrians. " 



Greeks among Illyrians 

The full development of an iron-using material culture among 
lllyrian peoples by the eighth century bc: coincides with the 
start of lasting contacts with the Aegean civilizations of archaic 
and classical Greece. The intensive use of iron ore and the 
mastery of iron-working techniques led to economic and social 
change. The exchange of commodities between different groups 
increased in volume and was a catalyst in the formation of 



l4 Cabancs 1988a. 

M Cabanes 1988a, 31 (Molossian decrees). 



Neighbours <>/ //><• (inrks 



IDS 



tubal groups, with an increasing consciousness ol collective 
identity under individual rulers. The later stages of this culture 
are marked by princely burials with rich grave goods. In 
addition to the Italian connections it has been suggested that 
traces ol archaic Greek influence can be seen in some of the 
ornament, notably in the warrior frieze on the famous situla 
from Vace. In the western and central Balkans the developed 
Iron Age among the Illyrians is still viewed principally through 
the contents of tumuli burials on the Glasinac plateau, where 
the persisting conservatism of lllyrian burial traditions has long 
been recognized. 

The distinguishing objects of this culture are double-arched 
fibulae, bracelets and iron weapons, notably swords, axes, 
shields, etc. A love of amber, for beads, necklaces and charms, 
was evidently common among the Illyrians and is often cited 
as a distinguishing feature of their burial groups. The climax 
of this culture is evident in rich burials of the sixth and fifth 
centuries, when the princes and princesses of the warrior elites 
were buried clad in all their finery, with gold and silver belts 
and girdles, bracelets, spears, varieties of pottery, jewellery, 
hairpins and pendants. A feature of some of these burials is 
the presence of high-quality pottery, metalwarc and jewellery 
of Greek origin. In addition there arc other objects of similar 
character which may be the work of Greek craftsmen but 
whose design and ornament suggest that they were created 
specifically for lllyrian and other 'barbarian' tastes. This group 
of objects has been much discussed over the years. Some schol- 
ars have argued that they are the work of lllyrian craftsmen 
imitating Greek fashions and from this notion has stemmed the 
concept of a 'Greco-Illyrian' material culture of the sixth to 
fifth centuries bc. 16 

The principal finds-spots of Greek imports in the lllyrian 
territories include the following: Atenica (princely tombs of the 
late sixth/early fifth centuries bc with Ionian glass, glass-paste 
and amber beads and an Attic plaque depicting a wild boar); 
Glasinac (South Italian archaic objects, bronze vessels, Ionian 
pottery, classical (probably Attic) metalwork, armour and 



16 Mano-Zissi 1973, Popovic 1975, Parovic-Pesikan 1985, 1986. 



I IK. 



Creek lltyrians 



ornaments); Novi Pazar (large cache ol regalia, gold and silver 
jewellery, beads, .uul Aiik pottery); kacanj (warrior graves ol 
the late sixth to early fifth centurj with Attic pottery, Grcco- 
Tllyrian helmets and silver jewellery); Ljubomir (warrior burials 
with fifth century Attic pottery, pins and brooches); Mramorac 
(burials with silver belts and bracelets with ornament in a 
Greek style, possibly late sixth century); Umcari (burials with 
silver belts, pins, brooches, etc. with Greek ornament); Razana 
(cemetery of around 500 i«; containing Greco-lllyrian helmet); 
Bela Grkva (burial with miniature pots imitating Greek forms 
of the late fifth century); Srcmska Mitrovica ("boat'-carrings 
and gold necklace, possibly Ionian of around 500 bc); Siroko 
(settlement remains with Greek pottery and jewellery); Batinci 
(silver belts with Greek-style ornament); Tuzla (tombs with 
'Greco-lllyrian' objects, glass-paste beads and pins); Josainicka 
Banja (Hellenistic pottery, including Megarian bowls, in 
settlement). Among the southernmost Illyrian communities sev- 
eral cemeteries have produced some of the best-known evidence 
for this Greco-lllyrian culture. Easily the most famous are the 
burials at Trebenistc near Lake Ohrid, where the contents of 
princely burials have been much discussed since the first finds 
were made during the First World War, particularly the gold 
face-masks and sandals. Greek imports in the tombs, which 
consist of relatively modest burials of around the mid-sixth 
century, princely burials of the early fifth century and some 
later burials, include Ionian and other bronze tripods, bronze 
crater, hydria, a candelabrum base, lekythoi, kylices, filigree 
jewellery, silver brooches, glass amphorae and miniatures. 
Other sites in the same area include Saraj, Brod near Bitolj 
(Greek pottery or local imitations in possible seventh century 
Corinthian form), Visoi near Bitolj (two groups of burials, 
Visoi I with Greek pottery and jewellery, Visoi II later crem- 
ations with finds similar to Trebenistc); Radoliste near Lake 
Ohrid (tombs with Greek imports of late sixth or early fifth 
century, pins, brooches, bronze vessels, earrings and Greco- 
lllyrian helmet dated to the second half of the sixth century); 
Karaorman in Paeonia near Stip (six tombs with Greek painted 
pottery and jewellery, with a Greek coin of around 480 bc); 
Trebenisko Kale (tombs dated to the fourth to second centuries 



Neighbours ••/ tht < ]rttkt 



in 



with pottery in Hellenistic forms and jewellery); and Dcmir 
Kapija, a long established settlement on the Vardar south ol 
Stobi in Paeonia at the entrance to the gorge (Greek pottery 
ol fifth (o fourth century in settlement ot Macedonians and 
(.reeks). 1 

By what means and by what routes tlusc Greek objects came 
to lie among the treasuries of Illyrian tombs remains largely a 
matter of speculation. It may be that for a period an overland 
transit existed from the direction of Asia Minor and the Black 
Sea, and it has been suggested that Herodotus' account of the 
Danube basin may have been based on information of Ionian 
traders starting inland from Istros near the Danube delta. 
Another matter of debate has been the extent of commercial 
iclinks before the end of the fifth century from the direction of 
the Adriatic and southern Italy. Certainly the reception of 
Greek prestige goods by the Illyrian elite appears confined to 
the sixth and fifth centuries, mainly from the second half of 
the former and from the early years of the latter. After the 
middle of the fifth century Greek imports are, with a few 
exceptions, absent from Illyrian tombs, and only the Glasinac 
tumuli furnish evidence for a continuing reception of Greek 
imports. Hellenistic products of the fourth to second centuries 
are confined mainly to regions bordering Macedonia, and there 
is almost nothing from areas further north. The brief duration 
ol this Greco-lllyrian connection may be explained by two 
factors, a collapse of the power of native rulers among the 
lllyrians and the shifting balance of political power in Greece. 
The fact that a significant proportion of the imports have an 
Attic or Ionian origin suggests that the cessation of commerce 
with the lllyrians was linked with a decline in Athenian power 
alter the middle of the fifth century and the later outbreak of 
the Peloponnesian War with Sparta and her allies. In a later 
period the main direction of Greek penetration was from the 
direction of the Adriatic and southern Italy. IS 

' Parovic-Pesikan 1964; Trebenistc- Filow 1927, Vulid 1933, Popovic 1956, 
Lahtov 1955; Novi Pazar: Mano-Zissi and Popovic 1969. 

"M.isicar 1973, Batovic 1984 (Corinthian pottery), Petric 1980 (Apulian 
imports), Glogovic 1979 (S.Italian in Isrria), Mano 1976b, 1986 (trade 



MIX 



Gretk Wyriaru 



If one may accept tins reconstruction there remains the prob 
lem of what is termed the 'Greco-Illyrian culture'. Several types 
of object which occur in similar contexts to those of the Creek 
imports listed above have been classified either as Greek prod- 
ucts created specifically for an Illyrian taste or as the products 
of Illyrian workshops working in close imitation of Greek 
models. Perhaps the most discussed example is the open-faced 
bronze 'Greco-lllyrian' helmet. Dated to the late sixth and fifth 
centuries, these have been found down the Adriatic coast as 
far as Albania and in the Ohrid region. Their origin has been 
sought in an early Peloponnesian, probably Corinthian, type 
recorded at Olympia and dated to 700-640 bc. A helmet from 
Canosa in southern Italy has suggested to some that the traffic- 
in these helmets may have been linked with this area. It seems 
unlikely this very distinctive helmet was a local product of 
scattered workshops but, as seems to be indicated by its distri- 
bution, was a type produced specifically for the northern war- 
riors and possibly may be related to some form of mercenary 
service by Illyrians. The same uncertainty persists regarding the 
few isolated finds of early Greek objects from the western 
Balkans, such as bronze running figures from Prizren and from 
Albania, a maenad from Tetovo on the upper Vardar and the 
fine bronze-working smith, probably Peloponnesian work, from 
Vraniste near Bela Palanka in Serbia, all of which are dated to 
the same era of prestigious imports, the late sixth and early 
fifth centuries. 19 

Several other varieties of jewellery and ornament are thought 
likely to be local production in imitation of Greek models, 
notably double 'omega'-pins, arched brooches and silver brace- 
lets with snake's head terminals. These were placed alongside 
Greek imports in princely burials and are generally identified 
from an inferiority in production technique, notably in the 
large variety of objects at Trebeniste; but they are also found 

routes in S. Illyria), Parovic-Pesikan 1985-6 (pottery imports in Bosnia), 
Vuckovic-Todorovic 1973 (E. Yugoslavia), Bousquet 1974 (Tetovo epitaph), 
Parovic-Pesikan 1978 (sixth century inscription at Lipljan). 
19 Greco-Illyrian helmets: Marovic 1976b, Vasic 1982-3, Andreou 1985, 
Osmani 1988; weapons: Vasic 1982a, Parovic-Pesikan 1982 (Greek 
machaira), Vasic 1983 (bronze vessels), Vasiliev 1983 (transport of bronzes). 



Neighbours <>/ the Grtwkt 



later in the large cemcter) .u Budva on the Adriatic and among 
the Japodes .it Kompolje in the I ika. It may well be that the 
gold masks, gauntlet and sandals in Trebeniste, and the gold 
and silver and silver belt appliques with repousse ornament 
including Greek motifs such as palmettes, are local, if Greek- 
inspired creations for Illyrian taste. What appears to have been 
a successful symbiosis in material culture between Greeks and 
the Illyrian rulers can be compared with a similar relationship 
already identified for the same period in other areas of Europe, 
notably the Celtic northwest, which bordered the highly pro- 
ductive Mediterranean cultures of Greece and south Italy. Dis- 
play of exotic ornament and gorgeous apparel will have served 
to underwrite the status of a native elite, who controlled the 
sources of wealth, exportable raw materials including metal 
ores, timber, hides and cereals along with slaves and mercenar- 
ies, that brought such prestigious goods to a chief's stronghold 
and in due course to his family burials in remote Illyria. The 
precious imports included fine dress ornaments and the utensils 
lor banquets and wine-drinking in the grand manner, many of 
which were destined for the oblivion of the tomb. How much 
the Illyrian princes had in common with their contemporaries 
in western Europe is hard to judge but their common taste for 
objects garishly ornamented in the Greek style appears beyond 
doubt. 2 " 

Creeks were general!) reluctant to risk life .mum;; Illyrians 
and, with two notable exceptions, their settlements came late 
and never amounted to much. North of the Gulf of Corinth 
they appear to have made little impact on territories west of 
the Pindus. As one travels westwards across the mountainous 
spine of mainland Greece there are marked changes in climate 
and vegetation: temperatures are generally lower and the winter 
rainfall is heavy and prolonged, forming real rivers with a 
permanent flow. Forests are more widespread and there is 
excellent pasturage. The movement of flocks revolves around 
the great seasonal festivals of St George (23 April) and St. 
Demetrius (23 October). In this world meat and milk are 



'"Parovic-Pesikan 1983 (Apulian and Etruscan imports to Adriatic 
hinterland). 



Greek lllyriam 



important for the diet. Women have .1 more significant role 
than in the world of the classical polis further cast, and tin- 
extended family remains the basic unit ol society. At the politi- 
cal level there is nothing to compare with the closed and 
integrated polis but a looser and more dispersed federation of 
groups belonging to a single tribe. Confronted with this society 
and its different ways Greek writers soon resort to labels such 
as 'brigands' or 'pirates'. Even after centuries of relatively stable 
contact the Greeks took little account of changes which had 
occurred among these peoples, where even the urban settle- 
ments that had grown up under their influence still retained 
the character of mountain strongholds.- 1 

If we omit such tales as the settlement of Oricus on the 
Bay of Valona by Euboeans following the Trojan War, the 
first recorded advance by Greeks in the direction of the 
Illyrians was made by Corinthians. In 733 bc Chersicrates, 
a member of the Bacchiad clan ruling at Corinth, established 
a settlement on Corcyra (Corfu) that served as the principal 
staging-point on the voyage between Greece and the west. 
Having ejected some Eretrians from Euboea and some Libur- 
nians from the northern Adriatic, the Corinthians soon pro- 
spered. The next expansion of the Corinthian empire came 
around a century later when a joint expedition from Corinth 
and Corcyra founded on the Illyrian mainland the colony 
Epidamnus on the headland Dyrrhachium, the name by which 
the city was later known. 22 Along with Apollonia further 
south, the new settlement brought the short sea crossing to 
southern Italy under Greek control and was for centuries a 
terminus of the principal highway across the southern Balk- 
ans, later engineered by the Romans as the Via Egnatia. 
These settlements will also have secured control of that route 
to the interior and access to the silver deposits of the region. 
1'he foundation myth of the colony is offered by the historian 
Appian as a digression from the Roman civil war between 
Pompey and Caesar in 48 bc: 



21 Cabanes 1988a. 

"Hammond 1982b, Myrto 1986, N. Ceka 1972, 1976, Petrova 1980 
(currency). 



Neighbours <>/ tlw Crttki 



i i i 



I u 1 1 h.u Iniim some believe to be the same as Epidamnus, on account 
ol the following error. A barbarian king ol the region, by name 
Epidamnus, built ,i cit) on the coast and named it after himself. 
Dyrrhachus, the son of bis daughtei and, as it was believed, of 
Poseidon, added a harbour lo the city which he named Dyrrhachium. 
When Dyrrhachus was attacked by Ins brothers, Heracles, returning 
from Erytbrae (whence be bad carried off the oxen of king Geryon) 
made an alliance with him in return for a share of his territory. From 
ibis the citizens of Dyrrhachium claim Heracles as one of their 
lounders because he had a share of their land, not dishonouring 
Dy rrhachus but because they took even greater pride in Heracles as 
being a god. They say that in a battle Heracles mistakenly killed 
lonius, the son of Dyrrhachus, and, having raised a burial mound, 
threw the body into the sea so that it would be named after him. In 
a later period the Bryges, returning from Phrygia, seized the city and 
surrounding territory, then the Taulantii, an Illyrian people, took it 
from them and the l.iburni, another Illyrian people, took it from the 
Taulantii. They were in the habit of making plundering expeditions 
against their neighbours in very fast ships. And because these were 
the lirst the Romans came up against they bestow the name Liburnae 
on very fast ships. Those expelled from Dyrrhachium by the Liburni- 
ans obtained help from the Corey raeans then masters of the sea and 
drove out the l.iburni. The Corcyraeans mixed in their own settlers 
with them and for this reason it came to be regarded as a Greek port. 
I5ut believing its name to be ill-starred, the Corcyraeans changed the 
name and called it Epidamnus from the upper city, and Thucydides 
also calls it by that name, but in the end the old name triumphed 
and it is now called Dyrrhachium. (Civil War 2.39) 

The Illyrian clement in the Greek colony appears to be borne 
out by the contents of early cemeteries, in which Corinthian 
grave-pottery of the seventh and sixth centuries is found along- 
side cremation urns of the local type. The successive rule of 
Taulantii and Liburni in the historical tradition may represent 
the southward movement of Illyrian peoples during the early 
Iron Age from around 1000 bc into the area known as Illyris. 
The presence of Bryges at Epidamnus in the account of Appian 
seems to be confirmed by other sources, including the Coastal 
Voyage attributed to Scymnus of Chios and Strabo's Geogra- 
phy. No later record of their presence in the area survives and 
nor can any link be established with the Bryges of Thrace, 
supposedly descended from the soldiers of Xerxes' army, who 



112 



Greek lllyriant 



appear tour centuries I. Hit hi tlu' .mm <>l M. Krutus during 
the Philippi campaign. The settlemeni ai Epidamnus became a 
flourishing centre for commerce and remains today the princi- 
pal port (Durres) for the region. We learn that its constitution 
was oligarchic and that many of the inhabitants were not 
citizens. By the sixth century the city had erected its own 
treasury for dedications at Olympia. Thucydides' account of 
the internal conflicts [stasis) during the 4.30s bc; makes clear 
that this was not the first trouble of this kind in the colony. In 
the struggle for power between democrats and aristocrats, the 
latter supported by Corcyra, the Taulantii continued to play a 
major role in the affairs of the city. When the democrats gained 
the upper hand their opponents turned for help to the Illyrians. 
They appeared in strength to besiege the city in 435, in the 
process causing much damage to the city's economy through 
their occupation of the surrounding country. 2 ' 

The second Greek settlement on the lllyrian mainland was 
Apollonia, traditionally founded in 588 bc on a headland over- 
looking the mouth of the river Aous (Vijose), ten stades from 
the river and 50 from the sea. It lay close to the frontier 
between lllyris and Epirus and may have been established to 
make secure the former's control of that area. Around 600 bc: 
Corinth is said to have responded to an lllyrian invitation and 
contributed 200 settlers to an already existing trading post. 
Others, especially from Corcyra, followed these. The colony 
was said to have been named Gylaceia after its founder the 
Corinthian Gylax, but later took the name from Apollo. For 
several centuries Greek and lllyrian communities appear to 
have maintained a separate existence. That is the impression 
from cemeteries with contents that are quite different, one with 
imported pottery, the other exhibiting the older tradition of 
burial mounds and the rite of inhumation. Apollonia's pros- 
perity during the sixth and fifth centuries bc: was based on 
herds, well nourished in the surrounding pastures. The execp- 

"Anamali 1970, Bakhui/en 1986; cemeteries: Dhima 1985a, Myrto 1984, 
Tatari 1987, Hidri 1983; pottery production: Hidri 1986, 1988, Tatari 
1977-8 (local), D'Andrca 1 986 (export); also Tatari 1985 (building 
construction), 1988 (Hellenistic house), Zeqo 1986 (stone and terracotta 
figures). 



Neighbours <>/ //>(• Greek 



1 1 ! 



clonal richness ol Apollonian tcmioiv sustained a notably nar- 
row oligarchic regime, described by Aristotle, who could dis- 
cover no trace ol democracy in a city where a minority of 
Ireemen controlled a majority that were not freeborn. The 
privileged were evidently descendants of the original colonists 
while their subjects were not captured or purchased slaves but 
rather the native population of the area with the status of serfs 
integrated into the highly successful economy of the city. 24 

Epidamnus and Apollonia were for centuries the principal 
ports for traffic between Greece, the western Balkans and the 
middle Danube. In the Hellenistic period they were first stra- 
tegic bases for the military ambitions of kings of Epirus and 
Macedonia and then, especially Apollonia, the principal ports 
of disembarcation for Roman armies. Apollonia also acquired 
among Romans the reputation of a centre of higher learning, 
and may have been the original terminus of the Via Egnatia. 
By the second and early first centuries bc: the coins of the two 
cities were circulating widely in the middle Danube basin, 
evidently serving as a convenient silver currency for merchants 
and slave-traders. Most of the remains of Epidamnus/Dyrrhach- 
ium lie beneath the modern city Durres, Albania's principal 
port, testifying to its continued prosperity. Apollonia, by way 
ol contrast, had lost its harbour as the course of the river 
altered, and the ruins of the Hellenistic and Roman city stand 
forlorn on the hill of Pojani. 

No Greek settlements arc known to have been established 
on the mainland north of Epidamnus/Dyrrhachium. North of 
the river Drin neither coast nor hinterland invited permanent 
settlement and, although Greeks undoubtedly lived and traded 
in several places, the three formally constituted colonies were 
all on islands, Black Corcyra (Korcula), Issa (Vis) and Pharos 
(Hvar). On the opposite coast the Po valley settlements of 
Spina and Adria, which flourished during the fifth and fourth 
centuries as the destinations of long-distance sea trade from 
Phocaea and Aegina, acquired something of the character of 

14 Beaumont 1952, Blavatsky 1966 (foundation), 1971, Anamali 1970, Bak- 
huizen 1986; cemeteries: Mano 1976a, 1977-8, Korkuti 1981 (pre-colonial 
tumuli), Nemeskeri and Dhima 1988 (racial mixture in cemetery), Bereti 
1977-8, 1988 (Triport occupation), Vreka 1988 (Hellenistic black-glaze). 



Creek lllyriam 



colonial settlements. In material terms the commerce between 
Greece and the upper Adriatic was the procurement ol salt, 
corn and cattle, for which the (.reeks offered wine, pottery and 
metal wares. 2 -' 

Early in the sixth century settlers from Cnidus in Asia Minor 
settled on the Dalmatian island Black Corey ra (Korcula), so 
named from its dense vegetation to distinguish it from its larger 
namesake further south. The citizens of the latter assisted the 
venture after the Cnidians had rescued 300 boys from the 
hostile Periander, tyrant of Corinth. The settlers named their 
colony after the land of their benefactors. The site of the 
settlement has not been located but lay either in the west or in 
the northeast at the narrow passage with the peninsula Pcljcsac, 
where the modern city Korcula enjoys two excellent harbours. 
Some coins with a Corcyracan legend may belong to the settle- 
ment but the venture appears to have failed, and the island is 
known to have received at least one other new settlement, 
probably in the third century bc. Native Illyrians do not figure 
in the story of the colony on black Corcyra but they are 
certainly prominent in the early history of the colony settled in 
385 bc on the island Pharos (Hvar) from the Aegean island 
Paros, famed for its marble. In traditional fashion they accepted 
the guidance of an oracle, but the settlers received more tangible 
assistance from Dionysius, the ambitious ruler of Syracuse, who 
had around the same time engineered an lllyrian attack on the 
Molossians in Kpirus. The account of Diodorus says that he 
had already sent a colony to the Adriatic and founded "the city 
named Lissus'. The Parians on Pharos were soon in difficulties 
with the natives and needed help from the tyrant. 

This year the Parians who had settled on Pharos allowed the previous 
barbarian inhabitants to remain unharmed in a well fortified place, 
while they themselves built their city by the sea and enclosed it with 
a wall. Later the earlier inhabitants took offence at the presence of 
the Greeks and called in the Illyrians dwelling on the mainland 
opposite. These crossed to Pharos in a large number of small boats 
and, more than ten thousand strong, killed many Greeks and did 

M Nikolanci 1976a, Braccesi 1977, Bakhuizcn 1987, Woodhead 1970 
(Dionysius of Syracuse). 



Neighbours ■-/ //»,• Greek* 1 1 5 

much damage. However Dionysius' « • uniu.in.lci .u I issus sailed up 
with a large number ol triremes against the lllyrian light erall and, 
having sunk some and captured others, killed more than live thousand 
ol the barbarians and took around two thousand prisoner. [Diodorus 
IS. 14) 

The third (ireek colony known in this central sector of the 
Dalmatian coast was Issa on the north side of the island Vis. 
Nothing is recorded of its foundation, but coins and internal 
organization (recorded on inscriptions) suggest that it was a 
Syracusan settlement. It has been proposed that it was this 
place and not Lissus far to the south at the mouth of the Drin 
from which help came to the Greeks on Pharos, since Issa lies 
only 25 miles away. The voyage from Lissus was more than 
ten times as long, but a garrison at the latter would fit better 
with Dionysius' schemes involving Illyrians and Molossians. A 
more stable relationship with native Illyrians is implied by the 
decree recording the details of a settlement from Issa on Black 
Corcyra. On the document, which has been dated to the third 
century bc, are named the Illyrians Pullus and Dazus, while 
most of the text specifies the allotment of lands to individual 
families, both within and without the walls of the settlement, 
grouped by the traditional Dorian 'tribes' of Dymanes, Hylleis 
and Pamphyloi.-" 

A handful of inscriptions and some locally struck coins with 
a limited circulation testify to a survival of the Greek settle- 
ments on Pharos and Issa, though only the latter appears to 
have maintained its independence until the Romans appeared 
in 229 bc:. Pharos was subject to the lllyrian dynasty of Agron, 
albeit under the rule of the native Demetrius of Pharos. The 
site of the colony was Starigrad, a sheltered harbour in the 
northeast of the island. The near square enclosure of the walls 
lies beneath the modern town, close to the fertile plain of Jelsa. 

2, I). Rendic-Mioccvic 1980 (Corcyra Nigra), Cambi, Kirigin and Marin 
1981, Kirigin and Marin 1985 (Issa necropolis), Zaninovic 1978, 1984b 
(hill-forts on Hvar), 1980-1 (land division on Hvar), Slapsak 1988, Siancic 
and Slapsak 1988, Bintliff and Gaffncy 1988 {land division and survey- 
on Hvar), Kirigin and Popovic 1988 ((Ireek watchtower), Migotti 1986 
(Hellenistic potter) in Hvar). Margetic 1971, D. Rcndid-Mio&vic 1970a 
(colony of Issa on Korcula). 



Greek lllyrians 



This had been occupied divided into .1 rectangular grid <>t roads 
and paths at the time of the original colonization, and it may- 
have been this which caused the initial accommodation with 
the lllyrians to decline into hostility. The near rectangular 
walled area of Issa contained a planned city with parallel 
streets. Recent discoveries here include a remarkable series of 
burials dating to the Hellenistic period, containing Greek pot- 
tery and with some of the inscrihed tombstones still in their 
original positions. Around this period, the first half of the 
second century bc, Issa appears to have prospered under Roman 
influence and possessed at least two settlements on the nearby 
mainland, at Tragurium (Trogir) and Epctium (Stobrec), both 
of which have produced Greek remains. When these places 
were threatened by the local Delmatae it was Issa's appeal to 
Rome which brought the first confrontation between the latter 
and this powerful people. The survival of Issa and Pharos was 
owed to their own resources. Perhaps Issa may have gained 
some profit from long-distance commerce, though more as a 
port of call than as a centre for trading with the natives of 
the mainland. 27 Though far from their Greek origins the two 
colonies maintained links with their homeland, Pharos on one 
occasion appealing to its metropolis for 'repair and support'. 
Nevertheless, an impression of isolation and gradual decline is 
suggested by Pliny's reference to 'the fading memory of many 
Greek towns and strong cities' (Nil .3.144) in IUyria. 



27 Nikolanci 1968-9 (Corinthian pottery on Issa), 1976a, 1976b (Asia Minor 
imports), 1980 (inscription), D. Rendic-Mioccvic 1970b, 1976b (coinage). 



5 



Enemies of Macedonia 



Gonqucring kings: Philip, Alexander 
and Pyrrhus 1 

lllyrians first appear in the record of Greek affairs not long 
before the Peace of Nicias ended the first phase of the Pelopon- 
nesian War in 421 bc;. Before Athens suffered defeat at Delium 
in 424 bc, Sparta had sent an expedition under Brasidas to 
assist King Perdiccas of Macedonia and other opponents of 
Athens. At first the Spartans avoided involvement in Macedon's 
war with Arrhabaeus the son of Bromerus, ruler of Lyncus 
(l.yncestis), but in 423 they joined an expedition which ended 
with ignominious retreat by the Macedonians and a brilliantly 
contrived escape of the Spartans. After an initial success against 
Arrhabaeus, Perdiccas persuaded his allies to await the arrival 
of Illyrian mercenaries. The latter opted instead to join the 
army of Arrhabaeus and, as the historian Thucydides observes, 
'the fear inspired by their warlike character made both parties 
now think it best to retreat.' When the Spartans finally reached 
safety they proceeded to loot supplies from the Macedonian 
army, causing a rupture of the pact between the king and the 
Spartans. The historian attributes to the Spartan commander a 
morale-raising harangue to his men, clearly shaken by the 
fearsome appearance of a new enemy. 



1 For accounts of the fourth and third centuries, Cabanes 1988a, Hammond 
1966, Hammond and Griffith 1979, Hammond and Walbank 1988. 



Greek lllyrians 



they may terrify those with .111 .un\e imagination, ilu\ arc loiniidablc 
in outward bulk, their loud yelling is unbearable .uicl the brandishing 
of their weapons 111 the 111 has a threatening appearance. Hut when 
it comes to real fighting with an opponent who stands his ground 
they are not what they seemed; they have no regular order that would 
make them ashamed of deserting their positions when hard pressed; 
with them flight and attack are equally honourable, and afford no 
test of courage; their independent mode of righting never leaving 
anyone who wants to run away without a fair excuse for so doing. 
(4.126)- 

In the troubled reign of Amyntas III (393-370/369 bc), father 
of Philip II, a powerful and apparently stable regime among 
the southern lllyrians first emerges. This marks the beginning 
of a succession of wars which were to end only w ith Roman 
intervention and the end of the Macedonian monarchy two 
centuries later. 'The surviving accounts are both incomplete and 
in places contradictory, although the general course of events 
seems clear. Diotlorus the Sicilian (c.30 bc:), who probably 
followed the fourth-century Greek writer Ephorus, describes a 
catastrophic attack by lllyrians in 393/2 bc:: 

Amyntas the father of Philip was driven from his country by lllyrians 
who attacked Macedonia. Giving up hope for his crown, he made a 
present to the people of Olynthus of his territory which bordered on 
theirs. For a time he lost his kingdom but he was soon restored by 
the Thcssalians, regaining his crown and ruling for twenty-four years. 
.Some say that after the expulsion of Amyntas the Macedonians were 
ruled for two years by Argaeus and that it was after this interval that 
Amyntas recovered the kingship. (14.92, 3) 

Diodorus' account of a near identical Illy rian raid ten years 
later is generally taken to be an erroneous duplication but this 
is far from definite. Certainly it would not have been at all 
untypical of the lllyrians to repeat a raid and exploit their 
victory in the same manner after an interval of a few years. 
Between the two invasions of Macedonia, lllyrians are said to 
have launched an attack on Epirus in 384/5 bc. The instigator 
is said to have been Dionysius of Syracuse, eager to interfere 



2 Hammond 1972, 104-7. 



Enemies <>/ Mai vdottta 



1 1'» 



in the Adriatic, on tins occasion in support id Alcctias the 
(\iled king ol the Molossians. Ihe Sicilian tyrant contributed 
2000 troops ami 500 sets ol armour, 111 which the lllyrians set 
about the Molossians in battle ami, 11 is claimed, killed more 
than I 5,000, withdrawing only when a Spartan army came to 
(he rescue of the Epirotes. The episode made plain the rise of 
lllyrian power on the northwest fringes of the Greek world, 
though when they launched a similar attack 25 years later 
the Molossian king Harrybas evacuated his non-combatant 
population to Aetolia and gave the lllyrians to understand that 
Ins lands were open to them. The strategy worked and the 
Molossians fell upon the lllyrians laden with booty, and robbed 
and expelled them.' 

In >70 tu the worthy Amyntas died full of years, having 
restored the fortunes of his kingdom after lllyrian disasters. 
I lis marriage to Eurydice of the I.yncestae had produced three 
sons and a daughter. His eldest son succeeded through election 
but the reign of Alexander, who was said to have bought off 
the lllyrians and delivered his brother Philip to them as a 
hostage, was brief. During a campaign in 368 or 367 he was 
murdered by his kinsman Ptolemy who was himself suppressed 
in J65 by the king's younger brother Perdiccas. The latter died 
early in 359 in a shattering defeat at the hands of the lllyrians, 
not the first occasion he had fought against them. More than 
4000 Macedonians were killed 'and the remainder, panic- 
si ricken, having become exceedingly afraid of lllyrian armies, 
had lost heart for continuing the war' (Diodorus 16.2, 8-9). 
The scale of this disaster may later have been exaggerated in 
order to magnify the achievement of Philip, but it seems that 
once again lllyrians had brought Macedonia close to collapse, 
when the kingdom was also threatened by Paeonians, Thraci- 
ans, Chalcidians and Athenians. 4 

The lllyrian victory of Philip early in his reign was to prove 
decisive for the security of Macedonia in that quarter. Having 
struck a treaty with Athens late in 359 and dealt with the 

'Hammond and Griffith 1979, 172—5 [no duplication), Diodorus Siculus 
14.92 (393/2 bc), 15.2 (383/2 bc), 16.2 (360/359 bc). 

•"Justinus 7.5 (Alexander), Diodorus Siculus 16.2, Hammond and Griffith 
1979, 188. 



120 



Gretk lllyrians 



Paeonians early in the following year the new king concentrated 
all liis power against the lllyrians. Willi (><>() cavalry ami 
10,000 infantry he advanced into their territory anil rejected 
an offer by the lllyrian ruler Bardylis of a treaty on the basis 
of the status quo, demanding instead surrender of all the Mace- 
donian towns they held. Bardylis gave battle with a force which 
matched that of Philip. The lllyrians formed a defensive square 
and there was a long fight with heavy casualties until the 
Macedonian cavalry broke through, and lllyrian losses were 
said to be 7,000. Macedonia now controlled all the territory 
as far as Lake Lychnitis (Ohrid) and was now as well placed 
to attack the lllyrians as they bad once been to raid Macedonia. 
It was a famous victory. Though some information about 
Bardylis is provided by the contemporary historian Theo- 
pompus and by other writers, none identifies his regime with 
any people or tribe other than lllyrians. In the great battle with 
Philip he is said to have fought on horseback at the age of 90, 
and there is no suggestion that he did not survive the encounter. 
He was, it is said, by origin a charcoal-burner who amassed a 
fortune and founded a dynasty by sharing out the booty gained 
in raids he had directed. Nothing stands on the record to locate 
the centre of his power, save for the fact that Philip's victory 
in 358 bc gained control of I.yncestis. A later victory by Philip 
over Cleitus the son of Bardylis apparently reduced the latter 
to the status of a client, and this may have been achieved by 
operations against Dardanians. In that case the power of Bard- 
ylis may have been centred among the southern Dardanians of 
Kosovo and Metohija, from which it expanded to the southwest 
as far as the Molossians, south to Lyncestis and, for short 
periods, southeast to include Macedonia.' 

Philip II was soon again at war with lllyrians, though evi- 
dently not those ruled by Bardylis. Diodorus informs us that 
in 356 BC kings of the Thracians, Paeonians and lllyrians 
combined to resist the rising power of Macedonia, by whom 
each had already been defeated. Philip moved before the allies 



' Papazoglu 1961 (Hcraclea Lvncestis), Diodorus Siculus 16.4, Hammond 
and Griffith 1979, 213-14. 



/ tumlet "/ Mactdont* 



121 



COllid unite then loins, and 'strikk lenoi into them and com- 
pelled them to join then loins with the Macedonians'. The 

Coalition had evidently been contrived by the Athenians, and 
the names of the rulers involved, GrabuS ol the lllyrians, Lyppe- 
ius of the Paeonians and Cetriporis ol Thrace, are preserved in 
an Athenian decree ratifying the alliance. The victory over the 
lib nans in 356 i« , achieved by Parmenio in a major battle, 
along with the victory of the royal chariot at the Olympic 
dames, were later recalled as propitious coincidences with the 
day on which Alexander the Great was born. The lllyrians of 
Grabus are unlikely to have been the subjects of Bardylis 
defeated only two years earlier, though some have suggested 
drabus was his son and successor. His name suggests some 
connection with the Grabaei, a minor people of the lllyrians 
who lived on the southern Adriatic near the Lake of Shkodcr. 

In 344/3 bc, according to Diodorus: 'Philip had inherited 
from his father a quarrel with the lllyrians and found no means 
of reconciling his disagreement. He therefore invaded Illyria 
with a large force, devastated the countryside, captured many 
towns and returned to Macedonia laden with booty' (16.69, 
7). Some detail is furnished by Didymus, an Alexandrian com- 
mentator on the Philippics of Demosthenes of the first century 
B< , who records that among the many wounds sustained by 
Philip, one came from the Triballi (in 339 bc:) and another 
during an earlier campaign against lllyrians. On this occasion 
the king was pursuing the lllyrian Pleuratus, when Hippostratus 
the son of Amyntas and 150 of the elite corps of the Com- 
panions were casualties. Next the historian Justinus compresses 
into a single sentence the reference to an lllyrian war which he 
places between 346 and the end of 343 BC. The enemy are 
named as 'the Dardani and other neighbouring peoples', whom 
Philip defeated and took prisoner 'by a deceit'. Finally, under 
the year 336/5 BC, in the context of incidents leading up to the 
murder of Philip by Pausanias, Diodorus records that, 'as Philip 
was engaged in battle with Plcurias, king of the lllyrians, Paus- 
anias, one of the royal bodyguard, stepped in front of him and, 
receiving on his body all the blows directed at the king, so met 
his death' (16.93, 6). From these scraps of evidence one may 
reconstruct a series of calculated forays intended to secure the 



122 



Greek lllyrlam 



Iliyrian rear ol Macedonia, prior k> tin- planned expedition 
against the Persian king thai would remove the besi ol the 
army to Asia." 

The first demonstration ot the exceptional military talent 
of Alexander, son of Philip II, took the form ot a spectacular 
sweep through the Balkans, in which the strength and versatility 
of the army he had inherited from his father were fully tested. 
In the spring of 335 BC, the year following Philip's death, an 
expedition moved north from Amphipolis and, having brushed 
aside any Thracian resistance, crossed the Hacmus (Stara 
Planina) to attack the Triballi on the right bank of the lower 
Danube. After a battle in which 300 of the Triballi were killed, 
Alexander crossed the river and defeated the Getae. The Triballi 
now formally surrendered, and among others who came to pay 
their respects were 'Celts from the Ionian gulf who dwelt 'in 
a distant country that was hard to penetrate', presumably the 
lands between the head of the Adriatic and the middle Danube. 
Expressions of friendship were reciprocated, though the Celts 
made it clear they were far from being in awe of the Macedoni- 
ans. 

Next came trouble with the Hlyrians. When the returning 
army had reached Paeonia, Alexander received news that Cle- 
itus the son of Bardylis had taken up arms and that he was 
supported by Glaucias of the Taulantii over towards the Adri- 
atic, and also that the Autariatae were planning to ambush his 
army on the march. Alexander knew little or nothing of this 
people but he was assured by his ally king I.angarus of the 
Agrianes that there was little to fear from them. With Alexand- 
er's approval he attacked them and inflicted severe damage but 
died before he could enjoy the promised reward. At this point 
the Hlyrians decided to launch an attack on Macedonia, before 
Alexander and his army returned from the Danube. It was the 

* Diodorus Sieulus 16.22 ( i.56 tie), Plutarch, Alexander 3, Ju stinus 12.16 
(birth of Alexander), Isocrates, Philipp. 21, Demosthenes Philippic. 1.48 (350 
BC), Qlynthiac 1.13 (349 i« ) Diodorus Sieulus 16.69, ! i44.M in :■. Didyimis 
Comm. on Demosthenes Philippic, col. 12, 64, Justinus 8.6, Diodorus Sieulus 
16.93 (336/5 tie:). Hammond 1966, 245-6, Hammond and Griffith 1979, 
469-74, Hammond 1981, Hatzopoulos 1987, Tronson 1984 {marriage of 
Philip II with Iliyrian Audata). 



l ignrc 10 Rock-cut tomb at Selce e Poshtme, Albania 



news of Philip's death which had stirred the northern peoples 
to action: 'Hlyrians, Thracians, Dardanians and other barbarian 
tribes of dubious and untrustworthy nature, who could never 
be held in check by any means if they were all to revolt at the 
same time' (Justinus 11. 1, 6). Alexander advanced his forces 
up the river Erigon (Crna Reka) to Pelion, where Cleitus had 
moved to await Glaucias and the Taulantii. The site was well 
protected and was ringed by commanding heights, held by the 
troops of Cleitus. One possible location is the isolated hill- 
settlement at Gorice in the plain of Poloske near the river 
Devoll, which has Hellenistic and later fortifications, and was 
clearly a central place in this part of Dassaretis, the Korce basin 
south of Ohrid. More recently Albanian archaeologists have 
identified Pelion with the remains at Selce e Poshtme on the 
upper course of the Shkumbin. Here the most notable remains 
are a group of tombs, with chambers and architectural facades 
carved out of a rock face (see figure 10). Their princely charac- 
ter has suggested a comparison with the famous royal tombs 
at Vergina in Macedonia, and this has been partly borne out 
by the contents of one of them. Alexander's Iliyrian campaign 
is described by Arrian. The Macedonians arrived before Glauc- 
ias and the Taulantii but the Hlyrians, having sacrificed three 
boys, three girls and three black rams, made as if to attack. 



I.' I 



( trttk Ufyrkiu 



When the Macedonians .ilso began to move tlu-y abandoned 
their defensive positions and fled into Pelion, leaving the sacri- 
ficial victims where they had fallen. The day after Alexander 
began his blockade Glaucias and his large army arrived, prob- 
ably from the west via the Tsangon pass. Alexander now 
extricated his outnumbered forces from a dangerous position 
and, using fully the discipline and training imposed by his 
father on the Macedonian army, succeeded in defeating both 
Cleitus and Glaucias. Alexander's campaign was fought not in 
Illyris but in Dassaretis, the plains south of Lake Ohrid, though 
the area had long been under Illyrian control, being open to 
attack both from the north and from the west. The whole 
episode is recounted by Arrian as a demonstration of Alexand- 
er's brilliance as a general, in which the lllyrians were overawed, 
outwitted and humiliated by a trained army, a combination of 
the wedge of armoured infantry (the phalanx) and heavy cav- 
alry whose charge, given the right ground, was unstoppable. 
Yet against the highly mobile light infantry and cavalry of the 
lllyrians a commander who lost his nerve could easily lose his 
whole army. The escape and victory of Alexander and his army 
brought home to the lllyrians, or at least some of them, how 
much had changed since they had brought Macedonia to its 
knees barely 50 years before. 7 

Glaucias of the Taulantii, though defeated by Alexander in 
335 bc, survived for more than a generation and was still ruling 
in 302 bc. In 317 bc:, six years after the death of Alexander 
and with power in Macedonia in the hands of the ruthless 
Cassander, Glaucias offered asylum to the infant Pyrrhus after 
the expulsion of his father Acacides from his kingdom among 
the Molossians. The infant prince was placed in the care of 
Glaucias' wife Beroca, who was herself a Molossian princess. 
Cassander, eager to gain Kpirus, took offence at this action 
and offered to pay 200 talents for Pyrrhus but the offer was 
declined. Three years later Cassander came west, defeated Glau- 
cias and seized Dyrrhachium and Apollonia on the borders of 
his territory. After another three years, in 312 bc, Corcyra 

7 Arrian Anabasis 1.1-6. Hammond 1974a, 1977, Bosworth 1981 
(disputing location of Pe(I)lion), Hammond and Walbank 1988, 39-49 Selcc 
e Poshtme: N. Ceka 1976, Manastirii 1976. 



I iirtnirs a/ Ali/i ci/iiz/ii/ 



I2S 



recovered the two cities and handed Dyrrhachium over to 
Glaucias, even though he was now bound by treaty not to 
attack allies ol Macedonia. Pyrrhus grew lo manhood safe 
among the Taulantii and around five years later, on the death 
of Alcetas the king of Kpirus, Glaucias marched south and 
established on the throne the 12-year-old Pyrrhus. In 303/2 bc 
Pyrrhus came to the court of Glaucias, presumably by now his 
adoptive father, to attend the marriage of one of his sons. 8 

For the first 20 years of his reign the restless and energetic 
young ruler of Kpirus was much involved in the struggles of 
Alexander's successors. In 301 bc: he fought with distinction in 
the great battle at Ipsus in Asia Minor on the side of Antigonus, 
when the cause of a central power in the empire of Alexander 
was finally defeated by a coalition of rivals. Later he tried to 
seize control of Macedonia itself, where many of the soldiers 
saw in him a new Alexander. Once he fought his brother-in- 
law Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, in single combat. When 
he finally gained Macedonia his regime is said to have lasted 
only seven months (287 bc), as the Macedonians preferred their 
old general I.ysimachus. Back in Kpirus he turned his ambitions 
to the west, which was to bring him into a memorable conflict 
with the rising power of Rome in the Italian peninsula. The 
reign of Pyrrhus, who died in 272 bc, for all his adventures 
elsewhere, saw his kingdom in Kpirus rise to a position of 
power on the west of Greece and Macedonia. Links with his 
neighbours were strengthened by marriage alliances. One of 
his wives was Birkenna, daughter of Bardylis, son of the Cleitus 
(of the Dardani?) defeated by Alexander. This alliance may 
have secured the inland Dardani to the north, while his links 
with the Taulantii may have assisted his enterprises. It seems 
clear that at some time Pyrrhus was able to annexe the lands 
of the Taulantii in the northern coastal plain of Albania, as 
well as the key port of Dyrrhachium; and the advance may 
even have continued farther north to include the area around 
the Lake of Shkoder, heart of the later Illyrian kingdom.'' 

More than a century of warfare with Macedonia and Kpirus 

" Diodorus Siculus 19.67, Polyaenus 4. 1 I (314 bc), Diodorus Siculus 19.74 
and 78 (313 bc), Hammond and Walbank 1988, 154-5. 
'Cabanes 1976, Franke 1955, Hammond 1966. 



126 



Greek lllyrians 



had brought the Adrian, llluuns Ihismvi. I pi his and the river 
Neretva into direct and lasting contaci with the Greek world. 
They were to lead to major changes in the social and economic 
life of this region, some of which can now be more clearly 
observed thanks to the material evidence gathered by Yugoslav 
and Albanian archaeologists. Changes in the pastoral economy 
of a population dwelling in villages brought an increase in 
population and more settlements based on a land economy, 
aiding the growth of central authority, at first that of the king' 
The growth of towns will also have engendered a demand for 
greater political autonomy that placed strains on the traditional 
tribal structures. To some the evidence suggests a spiritual and 
mental acculturation to an urban life on the Hellenistic pattern 
At the same time there is little sign, even when Roman conquest 
brought an end to this era of Illyrian development, that genuine 
urban societes had developed: Illyrian loyalties lay with the 
traditional figures of chief and tribe (ethnos). 

There is a general impression from the historical sources that 
this was a period of growth in the Illyrian population. Attacks 
by them came frequently and in great strength. The pressure 
of such growth on a pastoral economy will have seen a move 
to agriculture as a means of increasing the sources of subsist- 
ence. In the case of upper Macedonia, where conditions were 
Similar, Philip forced whole communities to leave the hills for 
the plain, thus increasing his own authority as well as the 
economic base of his kingdom. In some Illyrian areas it is 
possible to trace the growth of certain villages into major local 
centres for defence, markets and religion, in fact a small local 
town. The spread of agriculture among the southern lllyrians, 
inevitably confined to the small areas of cultivable land, is hard 
to measure. Perhaps the ability of lllyrians to fight as hoplite 
infantry, as against the Molossians in 385/4 bc, indicates an 
increase of Illyrian peasantry. 10 

We know little of Illyrian society in the fourth and third 
centuries bc. They appeared in war as free warriors under their 
chiefs or some overlord such as Bardylis or Glaucias. At home 
there is no sign of chattel slavery on the classical model. Refer- 



Cabanes 1988a, 185-90. 



Enemies «»/ Macedonia 



127 



ences to slaves ol the I >ardanians oi 'helots' "I the Ardiaei have 
been much discussed. Hiese win- not prisoners exported for 
sale in ilu- slave markets ol the Hellenistic world bin rather 
dependent communities, who from time to nine even partici- 
pated in expeditions. The subject population at Apollonia were 
evidently native communities who worked the fields belonging 
lo the colony's oligarchy. An authentic traffic in slaves may 
have developed later through the colonies of Apollonia and 
Epidamnus and may be the explanation for the spread of their 
coins across the Balkans in the second and first centuries bc;. 
During the third century records of the freeing (manumission) 
of slaves began to be inscribed on stone at Apollonia, Klos, 
Byllis and Buthrotum. As in other societies the status of a leader 
was determined by the number of warriors who followed. 
Obedience to a higher authority such as a king was channelled 
through the collective loyalty of a tribe to the chief. In return 
Ik- acknowledged the source of his power by offering security 
and protection when needed. Polybius presents us with an 
image of society in the Illyrian kingdom as peasant infantry 
lighting under aristocratic proprietors {polydynastae), each one 
of whom controlled a town within the kingdom. The persistence 
of the old tribal ties appears to be reflected by the use of 
traditional tumulus burial as late as the Christian era. Here the 
chief still lay at the centre with his companions at rest around 
him. We can imagine this order of society being based on the 
many hill-settlements which had acquired defences by the end 
of the fourth century bc. At Gajtan near Shkodcr an area of 
nearly five hectares was enclosed by a rampart of unworked 
stones but the structures within were merely shacks of timber 
and clay. Such a place was evidently created by a local ruler 
mainly as a place of refuge, and there seems little warrant to 
suggest that it was the first stage of a genuine urbanization, 
cut short later by foreign conquest." 

Livestock remained the principal product of lllyrians. Their 
mutton soon gained a reputation among the Romans, while 
King Pyrrhus had already gained a place in the reference books 
for his methods of cattle-breeding. Quantities of cereal were 



11 Cabanes 1988a, 190-7. 



I2X 



( Week lllyriam 



produced, though there is no means ol measuremcnl except for 
requisitions in time of war, noi.ilily the Dyrrhachiuin campaign 
during the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. lllyrian 
vineyards enjoyed no great reputation among Greeks and Rom- 
ans, though there is an intriguing possibility that the viticulture 
of the Bordeaux region derived from lllyrian Dyrrhachiuin. The 
background to Roman intervention in Illyria in 229 bc: was in 
part commercial. Italian traders were active along the lllyrian 
coast at the time, while the foundation of a Roman colony at 
Brindisi in 244 bc indicates an interest in the short crossing of 
the Adriatic. Timber from the lllyrian hinterland was valued 
down to medieval and modern times, notably for ships but also 
as a source of fuel. Except for such basic items as cloth or 
Alpine cheese, both valued abroad, little or nothing was made 
among the southern Illyrians until the growth of towns stimu- 
lated the introduction of new techniques, masonry construction, 
brick, tile and pottery manufacture and metal-working. 
Nothing is so far known of the extraction of silver, and the 
location of Damastion, with its remarkable silver coinage, 
remains a mystery. Somewhere to the north or northeast of 
Ohrid seems likely. Nor is there yet any evidence for working 
of the copper deposits in the Shkumbin valley. The deposits of 
asphalt (Ad Picarias on ancient road maps) inland from Apol- 
lonia were exploited during the Greek and Roman periods 
though remains of the working are yet to be found. 

Specialized production of pottery in Illyria commences with 
imitation of south Italian forms at Dyrrhachiuin, where in the 
second century bc 'Megarian' bowls with moulded decoration 
were also produced. There local production and stamping of 
tiles in kilns spreads as far north as the Shkumbin. The chief 
centre of production was Apollonia but other centres include 
Gurezezc, Dimale (Krotinc), Klos, Byllis and Margcllic, but the 
names on stamps are Greek rather than lllyrian. In the Korce 
basin and on the island St Acbilleus in Lake Little Prespa 
stamped storage jars have been discovered. Stamped amphorae 
of Rhodian origin (220-180 bc) may be significant evidence 
for long-distance commerce but who were the consumers at 
this period remains unclear. 12 

l2 Cabanes 1988a, 197-204, Dibra 1981 (hoard of axes, hoes and scythes 
near Shkodcr). 



Enemies •>/ Macedonia 



129 



No lllyrian production ol >«.ms is known before King 
Monunius struck Ins coins at Dyrrhachiuin (see figure II), fol- 
lowed by Mytilus around ten years later. An early dating ol 
the first Scodra coins, generally linked with the Macedonian 
occupation around 213 iu , to the middle of the third century is 
better discarded, mainly because no coins are known to have 
been issued by lllyrian rulers of a later period such as Agron, 
reuta, Scerdilaidas, etc. By around 230 bc, when Epirote domi- 
nation had waned, coins were circulating around the lower Aous 
valley, from Byllis, Amantia, Olympe and other places, though 
never in quantities to match those from the two coastal colonies. 
The early Scodra coins arc small bronze issues intended for local 
circulation, but the main local currency was based on silver 
issues from the major centres, Dyrrhachium, Apollonia and 
Epirus. In the kingdom of Illyria an authentic local coinage 
appears only in the second century bc under King Gentius. 1 * 
The 'lllyrian town' has been a major theme of research in 
modern Albania, involving study of the origins, growth, politi- 
cal and social organization and relations with the surrounding 
territory, including the establishment of outlying satellite forti- 
fications in the border districts of Illyris and Epirus. The first 
construction of fortifications is dated now to the fifth century 




Figure 1 1 Silver coin of 'King Monunius' minted at Dyrrhachium: 

diameter 21 mm 



"Cabanes 1988a, 204-7. Coin circulation: Gjonccgaj 1984a (Corcyra), 
1984b (Epirus), 1986 (others), 1976b (Byllis circulation). 



(iirrk tlfyHttU 



»<:, and designated as a 'pre- 1 or 'proto-' urban phase defined 

through investigations at (iajtan around three miles southeast 
of Shkodcr. An area of around tour to live hectares was 
enclosed by a stone rampart about .5.5 metres wide of unworked 
blocks but with two faces of closely fitting stones enclosing a 
core of smaller stones. There were no towers in this phase and 
at the most one or two gates (see figures 12a and 12b). More 
than two dozen sites with defences erected in this manner have 
been identified, including simple refuges such as Tren and 
Ventrok in the Korce basin, Ganjolle near Gajtan, and elaborate 
defensive complexes such as Gajtan, Shkoder, Marshcj, Lissus 
phases I and II, Zgerdhesh phase I and Osanici I and II.' 4 

The formation of proper urban centres takes place in the 
southernmost districts of Illyris, adjoining Ghaonia and the 
Aous (Vijose) valley, before the end of the fifth century bc: but 
that stage is not reached in the north, that is, in the Mat valley 
and the Shkodcr basin, until around a century later. After 350 
bc: Illyrian towns are believed to have become established at 
Lissus (Lczha) and Shkoder and in the interior at Antipatreia 
(Berat) and also at Selcc c Poshtme in the Shkumbin valley, a 
suggested location for Pelion. Perhaps the most remarkable 
development took place at Byllis of the Bylliones (sec figures 
13a and 13b), where the earlier settlement at Klos on its 
confined hill-top was replaced by a new settlement on the 
adjoining hill that developed the imposing character of a Hell- 
enistic and later Roman city. The defended area of some of the 
new Illyrian towns reached 30-40 hectares, with perimeter 
walls fortified with straight-sided or sometimes round towers, 
such as survive at Lissus (sec below). The gates were likewise 
well protected in a fashion appropriate to resisting Hellenistic 
techniques in siege warfare employing artillery. This era of 



14 Early fortifications: Prencli 1976a, N. Ccka 1977-8, 1983, 1985a, 1986, 
Karaiskaj 1976, 1977, I977-8b (Marshcj near Shkoder); typology: Zheku 
1977-8, 1980, Korkuti 1973, 1976, Islami 1976b, 1984, Jubani 1972b 
(Gajtani)m Jubani and N. Ceka 1971 (Rosuje), 1986b (Kodra e Pazarit), 
Fistani 1983 (Kratue near Shkoder), I.era 1975 (Symize near Korce). Mon- 
tenegro: Mijovic and Kovacevic 1975 (challenging Albanian chronology), 
Parovic-Pesikan 1980 (Risan hinterland), 1977-8 (Gulf of Kotor). On Adri- 
atic settlements, Suic 1975. 




Figure 13 a) Plan of Byllis, Gradesht, Albania 
b) Plan of Byllis, central area 



Enemies ../ Mactdtmu 



urban dcv C lopnicni is marked by the first construction of pubhc 
buildings, which .u Byllis were eventually ... include a theatre 
stadium and double portico, ..II executed in coursed blocks ol 

d Tundings n ol a distinctly urban character have recently been 
rev ealed ... several major settlements the urban character of 
Byllis is evident by the middle of the third century bc sur- 
rounded by a cordon of strongholds protecting the terntones 
of the commonwealth (koinon) of the Bylhones, at Gurzeze, 
IvlargelUc, Rabie, Matohasanaj. These are constructed in reg- 
dressed masonry, with defences dated to the late four h 
or early third century bc similar to those further south in 
Epi us. Further north the massive defences at Berat ^"t,patre,a 
o Bargulium) may belong to the era of direct Epirote rule 
fori 250 bc The location of Dimale (or Dimallum), a settle- 
, llt „ the territory of the Parthini, at Krot.ne west of Berat 
Spends on tiles stamped D1MALL1TAN (in Greek) Though 
thl enclosed area is less than 15 hectares, there was at least 
c budding of a public character - a portico over 30metres 
long with seven niches which appears to imitate similar build- 
ngs at Apollonia. At Zgerdhcsh (see figures 14a and 14b) 
nuhwest of Kruja, there are defences similar to those a 
Q tan, dated locally to the sixth to fifth century bc. Imported 
A an pottery appears at the end of the fourth century bu 
Z walls of coursed masonry belong to a later period Except 
for a semicircular structure in the lower part of the town no 
public buildings are known in the ten-hectare sett emenV which 
has been identified as the Albanopohs of Ptolemy s (,«,grap > 
Studies of the well-preserved fortifications at Aero h su and 
Lissus suggest that the former came first and was bu.lt in he 
late fourth century. There was a major reconstruction of the 
latter in the first century bc, when the more roughly dressed 
blocks were replaced by smooth, close-fitt.ng masonry. No 
mttrior^cturL have yet been located. The function of Lissus 
see figures 15a, 15b and 15c) near the mouth of the Dr.n was 
o K uard the route inland and to furnish a secure anchorage 
for Ulyrian shipping. Little is known of Illyrian Scodra, mam y 
because the Rozafat fortress has remained .n use unt, mock 
times Similarly few traces are now to be seen of Hymn 
deJences at Meteon (Medun), Olcinium (Ulcin,) and Rhizon 



Greek Ulyriam 



(Risan). In the second century \d a native <>i Roman Risinium, 
who had risen to command the army <>t Africa, recalled the 
'Aeacian walls' of Ins Illyrian home, perhaps alluding to Acacus 
of Acgina who assisted Apollo and Poseidon in building the 
walls of Troy. Nothing has yet been reported on the settlement 
at Selce e Poshtme, a candidate for the location of Pelion, and 
there is so far no certain location for Uscana, the strategically 
placed chief settlement of the Illyrian Penestae. ' s 

The rapid move to a form of urbanization among the sou- 
thern Illyrians, during the late fourth and early third centuries 
bc, matches the rather better observed developments to the 
south in Epirus. For the Illyrians a question remains as to the 
extent that this development was a direct consequence of exter- 
nal stimulus, notably Molossian Epirus in the time of Pyrrhus, 
and whether there is any genuine evolution from the earlier 
period that warrants the use of such descriptions as 'pre-' or 
'proto-' urban. The matter will be resolved only by systematic- 
excavation in the interior of these settlements, which so far has 
not been attempted. What evidence there is at present tends 
towards a negative conclusion, and it seems likely that many 
of the roughly fortified hill-sites were more likely refuges for 
herdsmen and flocks on the move or for the inhabitants of 
local villages in level country, and therefore are unlikely to 
produce evidence for permanent occupation. 



IS Urban development: N. Ceka 1985b, Cabanes 1988b, Anamali 1976b. 
Lissus: Prendi and Zheku 1971, 1972, 1986, Zheku 1974, 1976, Prendi 
1981 (inscriptions); Shkodcr: Hoxha 1987 (Bronze Age remains); Berat: Bacc 
1971, Spahiu 1975, 1983; Selce: N. Ceka 1972; Byllis/Klos: Papa,ani 1976a, 
1979 (theatre), Vrcka 1987 (Gurzczc near Cakran); Dimale: Hammond 1968. 
Dautaj 1972 (brick stamps), 1976a, 1976b (economy), 1984a (coins), 1984b 
(stoas), 1986 (political organization); Zgerdhesh: lslami 1972b, 1975, Papa- 
jani 1977. Also Lahi 1988 (Beltoje near Shkoder), N. Ceka 1975b 
(fortifications of Amantini), Anamali 1972, Prendi and Budina 1972 (lrmaj, 
Gramsh), lslami 1970 (Xibri, Mat district), Anamali 1975 (Podgradec), Bud- 
ina 1985 (Antigoneia). Bace 1974 (Kanine), 1975 (Gulf of Vlora), 1979, 
Bereti 1985 (Triport), N. Ceka 1987c (Margellic), Jubani and N. Ceka 1971 
(Rosuje). 



Enemies <>/ Macedonia 



1 1 ' 



Celts, Autariatae ami D.u damans 

The 'coming of the Celts' has long been an acceptable hypoth- 
esis for archaeologists grappling with the huge quantities of 
material from this era, and its wide application in Central and 
Southeast Europe has had a direct bearing on defining the limits 
ami identities of the Illyrian peoples, notably in the region of 
the middle Danube and its major tributaries. That in parts of 
this area, including the eastern Alps, Middle Danube and Sava 
and Drava valley, the majority of the settled population were 
Celtic-speaking is generally accepted from historical and ono- 
mastic evidence. Yet how they came to be there and what, if 
anything, happened to an 'existing population' are questions 
awaiting answers. One central and long-lasting hypothesis 
among archaeologists is that the arrival of Celtic-speakers in 
several areas north of the Alps coincides with, and indeed is, 
i lu' point of transition from the earlier to the later phase of the 
European Iron Age. That named after Hallstatt in the eastern 
Alps not far from Salzburg came to an end around 400 bc: and 
was replaced by that of La Tene, after a lakeside settlement in 
Switzerland, famous for its elegant style of curvilinear non- 
figural ornament often referred to as 'Celtic' art. By the late 
second and early first centuries bc: the two cultures had fused 
into a uniform version of I.a Tene across most of Europe north 
of the Alps. 16 

Ptolemy's history of Alexander's campaigns recorded that, 
following his brilliant victory on the Danube in 335 bc:, an 
embassy came from the Celts to seek the alliance and friendship 
of the young king. The point of the anecdote, as retold by 
Arrian and the geographer Strabo, was to show how this people 
'who lived a long way off in a country not easy to penetrate' 
told Alexander that their greatest fear was not him but the sky 
tailing upon their heads. Alexander, though not a little insulted, 
granted the alliance and sent the envoys home. They had come 
from the far west, 'around the Adriatic' in the version of 

"•Gustin 1984, Jovanovic and Popovic 1981, Todorovic 1968 (biblio- 
graphy), Majnaric-Pandzic 1978 (N.Croatia), P. Popovic 1978 (coin use), 
Knez 1983 (Novo Mesto), Bolta 1966 (Celje). 



Grttk lllyfiuns 



Ptolemy preserved by Strabo (7..?, S) or 'dwelling on the Ionian 
gulf in Arrian (1.4, 6). Though it is true thai the Periplus 
locates some Celts on the north Adriatic coasl ol Italy, it is 
more likely that these came from the northwest Balkans or 
even the eastern Alps and the middle Danube. The arrival ot 
Celts in this area by the early fourth century is indicated by 
the account of Justinus, based on Celtic tradition in the work 
of Pompeius Trogus (Book 24). Around the end of the fifth 
century some of the .300,000 migrating Celts crossed the Alps 
and sacked Rome but the rest, by a progress which caused 
great devastation, reached the lllyrian coast and made their 
homes in Pannonia. They mastered the Pannonians and for 
many years continued warring with neighbouring peoples. 17 

The fourth-century historian Theopompus may be the 
source of an account of fighting between Celts and Illyrians, 
both equally detested by the average Creek, where the one 
achieved victory by inflicting on the other the agonies of severe 
diarrhoea: 

When the Celts attacked, with a knowledge of (lllyrian) intemperance, 
they ordered their soldiers to prepare food in their tents as sumptuous 
as possible, and then to add to it a type of medicinal herb which had 
the effect of emptying and purging the bowels. When this took effect 
many were caught by the Celts and killed, while others cast themselves 
into the river from the unbearable pain. (Theopompus, quoted by 
Athenaeus 10.60) 

In a version of the story included by Polyaenus in a collection 
of Stratagems (7.42), the Illyrians involved were the Autariatae, 
whom the Celts lured by feigned flight to consume the doctored 
food left in their tents. Yet the story is a commonplace and 
may have been judged by Theopompus as appropriate to the 
Illyrians, famed for their love of food and drink, perhaps as 
background material to his account of Philip IPs lllyrian victory 
in 359/8 bc. If it ever happened, the likely date for the episode 
is early in the fourth century. 18 
The Autariatae were the most remote of the lllyrian peoples 



17 M. Garasanin 1970, Gavela 1975a. 
"•Papazoglu 1978. 



Enemies <>/ At,/. <•./.<»//./ 



I 19 



known to the Greek world in the era <>i Philip and Alexander, 
and a good deal ol what is recorded ol them is near fantasy. 
Perhaps the only reliable evidence is the report in Arrian (from 
the eye-witness Ptolemy) that the Autariatae had planned an 
attack on Alexander's army during their homeward march in 
l.VS iu . This would also tally with the tradition repeated by 
Strabo that they were 'once the greatest and most powerful of 
the Illyrians'. Another anecdote, which probably also originated 
in Greece in the fourth century bc, describes a long-running 
feud between the Autariatae and the Ardiaei over the possession 
ol a salt-source near their common border. Water which flowed 
out each spring from the foot of a great mountain produced 
excellent salt through evaporation within five days, which was 
then fed to livestock. The site, not named in the sources and 
now not easily located (possibly at Orahovica in the upper 
Neretva valley), was far inland and enabled the Ardiaei to 
avoid having to import salt and thus to have few contacts with 
other peoples. There was an arrangement between the two 
peoples to extract the salt in alternate years but when this 
broke down war ensued. The picture of the Ardiaei remote 
from the sea and from other people docs not match their later 
reputation for seaborne activity and may relate to a period 
before they had moved to occupy at least part of the coast 
between the Neretva and the Drin. Even so, Appian observes 
that though powerful on the sea, the Ardiaei were destroyed 
in the end by the Autariatae 'who were best on land', though 
they too sustained heavy losses. 19 

Taken together, the intelligible sources locate the Autariatae 
inland from the Ardiaei and the Lake of Shkoder, extending 
east to the Dardani and north, or rather northeast, to the 
I riballi. In modern terms their territory will have included the 
\ alleys of the Lim and the Tara (perhaps somehow connected 
with their name) beyond the mountains of northern Albania, 
and also the western Morava, an area of the Balkans barely 
known to the ancient geographers. It is tempting to identify 

'"Aristotle, On Marvellous Things Heard 138 (LCL 14. 308-10), Strabo 
7.5, 11, Appian, lllyrike 3. Perhaps the salt source was 'Stane Vode' (salt 
water) near Orahovica, a few miles north of Konjic in the upper Neretva 
valley, Patsch 1922, 43 note 4. 



140 



(,nv/.' Illviiiius 



these Autariatae, probably a general name for a whole group 
Of smaller peoples known later by their iikIivk1u.iI names, with 
the people of the Glasinac culture in eastern Bosnia, where 
a tradition of tumulus burial had continued almost without 
interruption from Bronze Age times. In the early (Hallstatt) 
phase of the Iron Age a similar local tumulus culture between 
the Drina and the Morava appears to have spread cast into 
Serbia by the end of the fifth century bc. This may represent 
the expansion of the Autariatae at the expense of the Tribal h 
until, as Strabo remarks, they in their turn were overcome by 
the Celtic Scordisci in the early third century bc. Similarly the 
decline or fragmentation of the Autariatae is matched by a rise 
to prominence of the Ardiaei on the coast and of the Dardam 

inland. . 

In the matter of material remains the princely burials ot the 
early fifth century bc: contained in two tumuli (35 and around 
70 metres in diameter) at Atenica near Cacak in western Serbia 
might well belong to the Illyrian Autariatae in a time of pros- 
perity before the Celtic migrations (see figures 16a and 16b). 
The smaller mound contained a central burial beneath a trunc- 
ated cone of chopped stones and a secondary interment near 
the perimeter beneath a similar construction of stones. The 
larger mound contained only a central burial in a tomb con- 
structed of rectangular slabs. All three bodies had been crem- 
ated outside the tumulus before burial, and the remains dis- 
persed in the grave. Before the burial platform of the larger 
tumulus was constructed a sacrifice of young animals including 
a dog, a wild boar and a wild sow and three oxen (see figure 
16c). That the smaller tumulus contained a female burial is 
inferred from the many beads and pendants of glass and amber, 
with birds' and rams' heads, gold and silver appliques, buttons 
and a silver brooch. The burial contained the iron tyres of a 
chariot or burial cart, which had been consumed along with 
the corpse. The contents of the second burial were similar but 
included also weapons, a spear, bronze arrows and an Attic- 
gold plaque decorated with the figure of a boar, and undoubt- 
edly was that of a male child. Both burials included pottery 
and metalwork of Greek (probably Ionian) origin. The larger 
tumulus contained a male burial with similar contents but 
included also a sword, bronze arrows, harness and the remains 



Enemiei ••/ Ma tdonia 



ill 



ol .1 chariot. Among Greek imports were an Ionian wine jug 
and several bronze dress plaques ol similar origin and a bone 
dagger handle. This isolated burial ol what was probably a 
single family placed prominently in the broad valley of the 
western Morava implies an established authority that felt able 
10 consign high-value prestige goods into their burial mounds. 20 

lu 1957, the year before the Atenica burials were discovered, 
.1 spectacular find of objects dating to the same period was 
made beneath a medieval church near the town of Novi Pazar, 
which lies on a tributary of the Ibar on the borders of Bosnia 
and Serbia. An iron-bound oak chest (1.85 m by 0.85 m) 
concealed in a pit more than two metres deep contained a fine 
collection of jewellery and dress ornaments. No trace of a 
cremation or skeletal remains were found and it is possible that 
this is an example of hidden treasure rather than deposited 
grave goods, although on balance a context of burial appears 
the more probable. In addition to imported Greek pottery, 
bronze vessels and jewellery described above, the contents of 
the chest included what some archaeologists regard as typical 
local productions, among them a gold belt, earrings, gold, silver 
and bronze brooches and carved pieces of amber. Objects that 
lend to be labelled 'Greco-Illyrian' included a bronze wine- 
strainer, gold pectorals, aprons and plaques {pteryges) and 
more than 1000 attachments of sheet gold in various shapes. 
The character of the ornaments and the absence of weapons 
suggests the robes and regalia of several Illyrian princesses, but 
the belts, pectorals and some of the brooches were worn by 
males. What the Novi Pazar hoard represents remains a puzzle 
but most likely it was the family treasure of an Illyrian ruler 
with a marked taste for Greek imports of the highest quality. 21 

The Autariatae had the misfortune to be driven from their 
homelands by a plague of frogs which fell half-formed from 
the sky, a story which attracted the curiosity of several ancient 
writers. This is the version of Heraclidcs, an Egyptian civil 
servant of around 170 bc: 

-"Djuknic and Jovanovid 1966a, 1966b (Atenica), Zotovic 1972 (Kremni, 
Illyrian cemetery near Uzicc), 1984 (Pilatovici near Pozega), 1987 (burial 
near Priboj in l.im valley). 

Mano-Zissi and Popovic 1969 (Novi Pazar). 



142 



CfSfk lllyrians 



Somewhere in Paeonia and Danlania frogs fell from the sky like rain 
and there were so many that the houses and streets were full of them. 
During the first days the people somehow bore it by destroying them 
and shutting up the houses. But as this achieved nothing, and their 
very cooking pots got filled with frogs which got boiled and baked 
with the food, and neither could the water be drunk, nor could men 
put foot to the ground for the multitude of them, and as the stink 
from the dead creatures was odious, the people abandoned their 
homeland. (Heraclides, frag. 3, FHG vol. 3 p. 168) 

No sense can be made of this horror story but it is reliably 
reported that the people were migrating from their homeland 
late in the fourth century bc. In 310 bc they were in Paeonia, 
where they were on the point of achieving a victory over king 




(a) 



Figure 16 a) Plan of burial tumuli at Atenica, Serbia 



Greek lllyriatts 



Audoleon when Cassander came to the rescue and the Illy n. ins, 
along with their families totalling in all 20,000, were settled 
on Mount Orbelus in eastern Paconia on the frontier of Mace- 
donia and Thrace. Their migration was attributed to the plague 
of frogs (along with mice or rats) but they were treated realisti- 
cally by the sinister Cassander, who in typical .Macedonian 
fashion sought to exploit them as an ally against the northern 
neighbours of his territory. Behind the threat of the frogs and 
other creatures may have been the real threat from the Celts 
now pressing into the southern Balkans. It is reported that 
Cassander did fight with Celts in Thrace, perhaps to drive off 
an attempted raid on Macedonia. The story that the sufferings 
of the lllyrian Autariatae was retribution by the divine Apollo 
of Delphi for their having joined in the attack on his sanctuary 
in 279 bc: is undoubtedly a fiction by those eager to claim the 
credit for any misfortune suffered by the Illyrians during that 
period. Celtic pressure may have been the reason for the disper- 
sal of other groups of Autariatae, such as the 2,000 serving in 
the army of I.ysimachus during the winter of .502/1 i« who 
went over to 'One-eyed' Antigonus. Perhaps their mercenary 
service commenced when Lysimachus made expeditions against 
the Gctac on the lower Danube. Whatever the background to 
these incidents it is around the end of the fourth century that 
the name of the Autariatae vanishes from the historical record, 
although there is nothing in the material evidence from their 
homeland that indicates any sudden or dramatic change. 22 

We are indebted to the geographer Stbo for a singularly 
ambiguous portrayal of the Dardanians: 'they are so utterly- 
wild that they dig caves beneath their dung-hills and live there; 
but still they have a taste for music and are always playing 
musical instruments, both flutes and strings' (7.5, 7). Though 
their territory and ethnic associations remain in doubt, the 
Dardani were for several centuries an enduring presence among 
the peoples of the central Balkans, 'the most stable and con- 
servative ethnic element in an area where everything was 
exposed to constant change' as the Yugoslav scholar Fanoula 

11 Papazoglu 1970a, 1978. Cassander and the Autariatae: Diodorus Siculus 
20.19; Justinus 15.2; Orosius, Historia 3.23, 26; Delphi: Appian, illyrike 4; 
Antigonus: Diodorus Siculus 20.113. 



Enemies .-/ Macedonia 



MS 



Papazoglu puis ii. While the once formidable Autariatae had 
vanished long before (Ik- Roman conquest, and the Triballi, 
Score! i sci and Mocsi all declined m insignilicant remnants, the 
Dardani endured. In the (ircck and Roman worlds the humble 
music-loving Dardani in their remote valleys beyond Mace- 
donia came to be linked with a people of the same name who 
dwell in northwest Asia Minor, and who gave their name to 
the district of Dardania from which the modern name Dard- 
anelles is deriv ed. Other coincidences of ethnic names supported 
notions of a connection between the Balkans and Asia Minor, 
the Mysians in the latter matching the Balkan Moesians and 
the Phrygians corresponding to the Bryges. A current expla- 
nation cites as a likely context the large-scale movement of 
peoples at the end of the Bronze Age (around 1200 bc), when 
some of the established powers around the eastern Mediter- 
ranean were afflicted by the attacks of 'sea-peoples'. By Roman 
nines the nature of the connection between Balkan and Asian 
Dardani had become altogether a more delicate matter. Then 
i he connection was explained by a movement in the opposite 
direction: a certain Dardanus who ruled over many tribes in 
Asia Minor was responsible for settling the Dardani west of 
the Thracians. Tradition had it that this Dardanus was founder 
of the Trojan ruling house, a matter of some importance when 
the rulers of some of the great powers of antiquity, including 
Epirus, Macedonia and Rome, claimed a Trojan ancestry. But 
if Dardanus and his people were descended from the Balkan 
people the lattcr's notoriously uncouth ways will have been an 
embarrassment. The accepted version was that the Dardani 
were a kindred people of the Trojans who had degenerated in 
their new home to a state of barbarism. 23 

Though for a time probably subordinate to the power of 
Epirus, the Dardani maintained an independence that was later 
eroded by Macedonia and finally extinguished by the Romans. 
It seems likely that the lllyrian Cleitus defeated by Alexander 
was probably a ruler of the Dardani. After 335 bc nothing is 
reported of them, not even when the neighbouring Paeonians 



"On Dardanians: Papazoglu 1978, 131 ff., Srejovic 1973 (formation); 
settlements: Mikuldc 1973, Mirdita 1975, M. Garasanin 1975a. 



I -If. 



Gretk Utyriant 



rebelled in Ml i« after the death <>l Alexander, until 284 m 
when Lysimachus seized control oi Macedonia and Paeonia, 
where a deceit caused Ariston, the son of king Audoleon, to 
take refuge among the Dardani. Not long alter the death of 
Lysimachus in 281 bc a large force of Celts moved south 
through the central Balkans and, late in 280 or early in 279, 
overwhelmed the army of Macedonia under Ptolemy Ceraunus. 
During his brief reign the latter had faced opposition from 
Ptolemy the son of Lysimachus, who was aided by Monunius 
king of the Illyrians. An inscribed bronze helmet found near 
Ohrid may have belonged to a soldier of this ruler (see figure 
17). He may have belonged to the Dardani since a later ruler 
of that people bore the same name, though it also occurs in 
the old Thracian territories of Lysimachus. It is not certain that 
he is the same Monunius who offered help against the Celts to 
Ptolemy Ceraunus. The gesture was rejected with contempt, as 
if the sons of Alexander's all-conquering soldiers needed help 
from the likes of Dardanians, even when they came as 20,000 
men in arms. The Dardanian king's response was to forecast 
the downfall of Macedonia. A coin of Macedonian type bearing 
the name of Monunius may be evidence for the aspirations of 
the Dardanian ruler in the kingdom, perhaps in the time of 
confusion following the Celtic invasion. Nor is it certain if this 
was the same ruler who gained power over the Taulantii 
and struck a coin of Dyrrhachium with the legend King 
Monunius. 2 "' 

The rapid decline of Epirus following the death of Pyrrhus in 
272 bc; may have been hastened by attacks from once obedient 
northern neighbours. Alexander 11 is known to have fought an 
Illy ri an war against Mytilus whose Dyrrhachium coins bear the 
royal title. Conceivably the latter was a successor to Monunius 
and ruler of the increasingly powerful Dardani, rather than 
merely a local dynast. While Dardanians may have taken con- 
trol of the Taulantii, it seems that the principal directions of 
their expansion were now towards the east and north, against 
Paeonia and into the Morava and Nisava valleys against the 



24 Polyaenus 4. 12, 3 (Audoleon); Justinus 24. 9-1 1, Pompcius Tragus Prol. 
24 (Monunius). 



Entmits <>/ Mactdonla 



ii 




Triballi. Unlike Macedonia, the Dardanians had apparently 
suffered little from the passage of the Celts through their lands, 
though it was in their territory that Lonovius and Lutarius 
detached themselves from the main force to move against 



MS 



Greek lllyriatts 



Thrace, while the resl continued south under Brennus to Mace- 
donia and Greece. The Dardanians wore not slow to attack 
when they returned north alter defeat, wandering about the 
countryside exhausted with hunger and cold. 2S 

Save for a doubtful episode early in the long reign of Anti- 
gonus Gonatas, there is no record of action by the Dardani or 
any other northerners in the direction of Macedonia for nearly 
a generation. From later evidence it seems that this was a period 
of recovery and consolidation on the northern frontiers of 
Macedonia, including the construction of new fortifications, 
watch-towers and other means of defence that rarely attract 
the attention of historians. Dardanians were again a threat in 
the reign of Demetrius II (240/39-229 bc), when they invaded 
Paeonia and won a victory over the Macedonian king not long 
before his death. Longarus, the first to be named ruler of the 
Dardanians, directed the attack. Events in this area now become 
more prominent in the affairs of Greece and Macedonia, since 
a threat from the north was likely to cause the Antigonids 
to abandon any enterprise under way in Greece and hasten 
home. 26 

Antigonus Doson, regent for the first decade of Demetrius' 
son Philip V, claimed a victory over the Dardanians 'exultant 
after the death of Demetrius'. Part of Paeonia was annexed to 
Macedonia and Antigoneia was founded on the river Axius, 
the main invasion route from the north. In 222 bc Doson won 
a famous victory over the Spartans at Sellasia, but hastened 
back home within a few days when news came that the Illyrians 
had invaded and were looting his kingdom. According to Polyb- 
ius he found them still in the country and forced them to a 
battle which he won but he so over-exerted himself in shouting 
encouragement to his troops that he burst a blood-vessel and 
fell fatally ill. It seems likely that these Illyrians came from 
Dardania, since it was the Dardani who were again prominent 
in attacks on Macedonia in the first years of Philip V's sole 
reign. During the Social War against the Aetolians and Spartans 
(220-21 7 bc), 'the Dardanians and all the neighbouring peoples 

25 Passage of Celts: Livy 38.16, Pausanias 10. 19, 7; retreat: Justinus 24.8, 
Diodorus Siculus 22.9. 

26 Pompeius Trogus 28, Livy 31.28, Justinus 28.3, 4. 



Enemiet <>/ Macedonia 



who cherished everlasting hatred ol the Macedonian despised 
the youth ot I'hilip and constantly provoked him' (Justinus 
29.1). Polybius describes what must have been a typical episode 
mi these years. In 1 1 L > Philip was in Acarnania in northwest 
Greece when news came that the Dardanians, assuming that 
he was on his way to the Peloponnese, collected their forces 
loi a raid. When Philip reached his capital Pella he found that 
the Dardani had learned of his return and called off the attack, 
enabling Philip to send his men home early for the autumn 
fruit-picking. Two years later Philip decided to strike first and 
seized Bylazora, 'the largest city in Paeonia, very conveniently 
situated on the pass from Dardania to Macedonia' (Polybius 
S.97). The situation, probably the modern Titov Veles on the 
river Vardar, commands the upstream entrance to a long defile 
and, no less important, a route southwestwards into Pelagonia 
via the Babuna valley and over the Babuna pass or along the 
Race valley and over the Plctvar pass to Prilep. The capture 
and, one assumes, the garrisoning of Bylazora appears to have 
brought a swift end to Dardanian raids, and may be compared 
with the capture and occupation of Lychnitis a century and a 
hall before by Philip II following his defeat of Bardylis. As 
Macedonia was finally gaining what passed for peace on its 
northern border, Philip, the Illyrians and the Greeks were 
concentrating their attention westwards on the great struggle 
being fought in Italy between the Romans and the Carthagini- 
ans under Hannibal. 27 

Even the Roman allies who had felt abandoned when the 
Romans agreed a peace with Philip in 205 bc: will have been 
surprised at the speed with which they returned to the area 
once the war with Hannibal and Carthage was over. Philip had 
profited from the armistice and his ambitious schemes in the 
direction of Asia Minor were evidently no longer hindered by 
troubles on his northern borders. When the Romans returned to 
lllyria in 200 bc: under the experienced commander P. Sulpicius 
Calba, they expected support from their former allies. These 
began to appear at the Roman headquarters in Dassaretis. 



J ~ Philip V and Dardanians: Hammond and Walbank 1988. Polybius 2.70 
(Doson), 4.66 (219 bc), 5.97, Mikulcic 1976 (Bylazora). 



ISO 



Grtth lllyriani 



From the Dardani came Bato, son ol the Long.mis who had 
once fought against Philip's father Demetrius II. Hie Roman 
commander told them he would call on their help when his 
army had entered Macedonia. Js 

The king anticipated that the Roman line of advance would 
be into the Erigon valley and he was determined to protect his 
flanks from raids by Roman allies, the Aetolians in the south 
and the Dardanians in the north. He ordered his son Perseus 
to block the pass (probably the Debreste pass via the Treska 
valley) leading into Pelagonia. When the Romans made their 
move Philip recalled the troops under Perseus, and his cavalry 
defeat at Ottolobus on the river Erigon, though not a major 
reverse, was the outcome of a gamble after learning that Illyri- 
ans and Dardanians had crossed the passes in strength and were 
already in Macedonia. Though the invasions were concerted, it 
was the Dardanians who did the most damage. When Philip's 
commander Athenagoras tried to ambush them on the home- 
ward inarch they recovered from the effects of the surprise 
attack to form up in regular order and fight a battle in which 
neither side was able to claim victory. Later some of the Dard- 
anians were killed or wounded by the Macedonian cavalry, bur 
no prisoners were taken 'because these troops do not leave 
their ranks impulsively but keep close order both in combat 
and in withdrawal' (I. ivy 3 1.43). The episode shows how much 
the Dardanians had been influenced by the military traditions 
of the Hellenistic world. Two years later a Roman general 
addressing his troops on the eve of their victory over Philip at 
Cynoscephalac reminded them that they were not up against 
the Macedonians of Alexander but merely those who not long 
before had been a prey of the Dardanians. News of the Roman 
victory drew the Dardanians once again down the Vardar 
valley, but Philip caught and defeated them near the Paeonian 
capital Stobi with an army he had hastily conscripted from the 
cities of his kingdom. The Macedonians continued to hold 



Livy 31.28 (Bato, son of Longarus). 



/ nemiei of Mai tdanla 



151 



Bylazora and through thai Paconia, whose return the Dardan 
ians were still demanding W years latei after another major 
Roman victory. " 

In the later years ol his reign Philip V launched an offensive 
against his northern neighbours, above all against the Dardani- 
ans. I he Roman version implies that behind it there lay a plan 
for revenge on the Romans, even to the extent of planning 
an incredible overland expedition across the Balkans to Italy. 
Though most of the stories regarding the aims of Philip were 
likely fictions emanating from his enemies in Greece, it seems 
possible that Philip had grasped how Rome might be threatened 
in the area where Italy was weakest, from across the Julian 
Alps in the northeast. Against a background of rising distrust 
and suspicion, both states may have become aware of the long 
but not impossible route across the Balkans, down the Morava 
to the area of Belgrade, then west up the Sava valley. It may 
have been during these years, between the second and third 
wars of Rome and Macedonia, that the eastern and northern 
approaches to the Illyrian lands first became known to the 
(■reek and Roman world, although more than one and a half 
centuries would elapse before, in the principate of Augustus, a 
Roman army would cross the Danube basin. 

While on campaign in Thrace in 184 bc. Philip sent agents 
to 'stir up the barbarians along the river Danube, that they 
might invade Italy' (Livy 39.35). Two years later Philip was 
pleased to learn that the Bastamae had accepted his alliance 
and were offering a princess in marriage for one of his sons - 
Perseus as it turned out. This formidable people, evidently of 
German origin, dwelt beyond the lower Danube but were often 
willing to join in expeditions far from their homelands. In the 
following year we find Philip founding a new city on the river 
Erigon, which was named Perscis in honour of his eldest son, 
and at the same time ordering mass deportations from Paeonia, 
where he then filled the towns with 'Thracians and other 
barbarians, as being likely to remain more securely loyal to 
him in the coming hour of danger' (Polybius 23.10), that is, 
war with Rome. Three years later, it is reported, after he had 



29 Livy 31.38-41; 33.19 (after Cynoscephalac;. 



IS2 



( Ireek Utyriant 



assembled his army at Stobi and moved against the Hiracian 
Maedi, he headed for the Hacmus mount. mis hee.mse lie 
believed the story that from the top one could see the Black 
Sea, the Adriatic, the Danube and the Alps: 'to have these 
spread out before his eyes would have, he thought, no small 
weight in determining his strategy in a war with Rome' (Livy 
40.21). 30 

In fact Philip's purpose for the Bastarnae was more specific 
to the security of Macedonia: they were to eject the Dardanians 
and take over their country. It was a typically ruthless yet 
realistic scheme, and was later imitated in the Danube lands 
on more than one occasion by the Romans. The Romans, or 
rather some of them, may have been receptive to stories that 
the Bastarnae were on their way to Italy accompanied, it was 
predicted, by the kindred Scordisci through whose lands their 
route lay. To get the Bastarnae to Dardania the king had gone 
to great trouble and expense to arrange safe passage through 
the Thracians. They left home after a good deal of hesitation 
but had got as far as Amphipolis when, in the summer of 179 
bc, news arrived that King Philip was dead. Soon there was 
trouble with the Thracians and the Bastarnae retreated to 
Donuca (perhaps Rila), a high mountain in western Thrace. 
After further skirmishes some decided to return home and set 
off for Apollonia and Mesembria on the Black Sea coast of 
Thrace, but the rest, under the leadership of Clondicus, pressed 
on to Dardania and set about ejecting the population in accord- 
ance with their arrangement with the late king. A full-scale war 
now ensued. The Dardanians, faced at first not only with 
attacks by the Bastarnae but also the Scordisci and Thracians, 
blamed the attack on the new King Perseus and asked the 
Romans for help. The king denied any responsibility and the 
Romans were inclined to believe him, well aware that there 
was anyway little that they could do in the matter. The Dardani 
were at first penned up in their strongholds but held out until 
the allies of the Bastarnae had left and then attacked. The 
details are not recorded but the Dardanians evidently threw 



30 Philip and Bastarnae: Hammond and Walbank 1988, 469-70. Livy 39.35 
(184 bc), 40.5 (182 bc), 39.53 (Perseis). 



/ nemiet <</ Macedonia 



out the invaders, from the story thai in I 'S w the Bastarnae 
losi many nun and horses while crossing the frozen Danube 
and that among the survivors was Clondicus who had led the 
people into Dardania lour years earlier and who would appear 
again six years later with his people in Macedonia as a potential 
ally of Perseus against the Romans." 

Accepting the possibility that Macedonia could mount an 
invasion of Italy by the overland route through the Illyrians, it 
seems that some believed Rome in its turn could get at Mace- 
donia from the direction of northern Italy. This is the only 
reasonable explanation for the behaviour of G. Cassius l.ong- 
inus, the Roman consul of 171 bc; sent to oversee Roman 
interests in northeast Italy. The Senate received a request from 
i he recently founded colony Aquileia for help with its defences 
against the hostile Histrians and Illyrians. When they suggested 
that ibis might be a suitable matter for the consul Cassius the 
senators were astonished to hear that some time before he had 
asenibled his army at Aquileia and, with 30 days' rations and 
guides who knew the way, had set off for Macedonia through 
the land of the Illyrians. The senators were indignant that the 
consul had abandoned his province, was intending to trespass 
on another's, was leading his army by a dangerous route 
through foreign peoples and had left Italy exposed to attack 
from all directions. The troubles of Aquileia were forgotten as 
three senators were sent to tell the consul that he was not to 
engage any people unless the Senate had already declared war 
on them. Next year we find the Senate receiving furious com- 
plaints against Cassius, from the Gauls, Carni, Histri and 
Japodes. Apparently the consul and his army had set out for 
Macedonia peacably enough but then came back killing, burn- 
ing and looting in all directions. The Senate disclaimed any 
responsibility for this conduct and announced that had they 
known they would never have approved the enterprise. But the 
former consul was now a military tribune with the army in 

" Livy 40.57-8, 41.19 (176 bc), Polybius 25.6 (177/6 bc). A Macedonian 
settlement at Isar-Marvinci (? = Idomene) may have been devastated in this 
war, Sokolovska 1979-82, Sokolovska and Mikuliic 1985. An overland 
assault on Italy from the direction of the Balkans was later contemplated by 
Mithridates of Pontus and, reputedly, by the Dacian king Burebista in 49 bc. 



154 



Creek lllyriam 



Macedonia and, since he could noi be charged with these 
complaints in his absence, the Senate could do no more than 
promise a fair hearing if the) wished to prosecute him on return 
from active service. In the meantime the Senate pacified the 
aggrieved peoples with suitable presents, including 2000 asses 
in cash for each of the envoys and for Cincibilis, the prince of 
the Ciauls, and his brother who had come as an envoy, two 
five-pound necklaces of twisted gold, five 20-pound silver ves- 
sels, two horses with harness trappings for head and chest, 
along with their grooms, cavalry weapons and military cloaks, 
and clothing for the prince's attendants, both free and slave. 
The Gauls molested by Cassius are described as dwelling 'across 
the Alps', and they are likely to have been Celtic people across 
the Julian Alps, beyond the Cami and Histri and north of the 
Japodes. From this area also may have come the Gallic chief 
Balanus who came to Rome in the following year to offer help 
against Macedonia. He too received presents, a two-pound 
gold necklace, a horse with ornamental trappings and cavalry 
weapons.* 2 

During the long reign of Philip V there are signs that the 
Macedonians were creating a scheme of defence to keep out 
the Dardanians and other 'eternal enemies'. It was based on 
well-chosen fortified strongholds manned with permanent gar- 
risons: Bylazora on the Vardar/Axius, Sintia probably some- 
where to the west (perhaps around Kicevo or Gostivar) and 
Perseis on the river Erigon (Crna Reka). Beyond these places 
whole areas were cleared of population and systematically 
devastated in order to make invasion and retreat even more 
hazardous. In the third war between Rome and Macedonia we 
hear of an embassy from Perseus to the Illyrian Gcntius early 
in 169 BC leaving Stuberra on the upper Erigon for Scodra 
and 'crossing Mount Scardus, journeying through the so-called 
desert of Illyria, which, some years before, had been de- 
populated by the Macedonians to make it more difficult for 
the Dardanians to raid Illyria and Macedonia. Their journey 
through this region was accompanied by great hardship' 
(Polybius 28.8). Along with these strongholds and cordons of 



Livy 41.1-7, 43.1 and 5. 



Enemies <>/ M<i< edonia 



devastation it seems clear that the depopulation ol Paconia and 
the settling there of Thracians had nothing to do with any 
impending war against Koine but was yet another element in 
the defence of Macedonia. When war began in 171 u< , Perseus 
still judged it worthwhile to make a pre-emptive strike against 
the Dardanians, 'by the way, in contempt of the Roman power 
and as a diversion' (Plutarch, Aemilius Paullus 9), it was 
claimed. He reportedly killed many of them and brought back 
a great amount of booty. Because of this, and because of the 
now well-established cordon of defence, the Dardanians appear 
to have taken no part in a war which was to bring to an end 
the rule of kings in Macedonia." 



11 Hammond and Walbank 1988, Sokolovska 1978 (Dcmir Kapija), Mikulcic 
1985 (Stobi). Papazoglu 1970b, Hatzopoulos 1987 (inscription from Olcvcni 
near Bitot], recording Macedonian victory over Dardanians by Philip 11 or 
V). 



6 



Kingdom of lllyrians 



A new power on the Adriatic 1 

From the end of the fifth century we have seen how it was 
possihle for regimes among the southern lllyrians to exploit 
periods of weakness in Macedonia and Epirus, notahly Bardylis 
of the Dardani and Glaucias of the Taulantii. Under a Philip, 
Alexander or Pyrrhus the tide was reversed and the lllyrians 
were not only held off hut even reduced to subject status. The 
dynasty of the Antigonids in third-century bc Macedonia was 
far from weak but was more than once distracted from its 
effort to retain power in Greece by trouble on the northern 
frontier. There is now an impression, although it can bc no 
more than that, of a new and more lasting political order 
emerging among the lllyrians, not only among the Dardanians. 
The most notable example of this was the rise of a new power 
based on the Ardiaei, an Illyrian people on the south Adriatic- 
coast well placed to profit from the decline of Epirus after the 
death of Pyrrhus. Agron, son of Pleuratus, belonged to the 
ruling house of the Ardiaei: 'Agron was king of that part of 
Illyria which borders the Adriatic sea, over which sea Pyrrhus 
and his successors had held sway. In turn he captured part of 
Epirus and also Corcyra, Epidamnus and Pharos in succession, 
and established garrisons in them' (Appian Illyrike 7). The new 



1 Hammond and Walbank 1988, Hammond 1968 (229-205 bc), Wilkes 
1969, May 1946 (217-167 bc), Islami 1974, 1976a, Cabanes 1986. 



Kingdom <>/ MyrlaM 



I ■ 



power disposed <>! 'the most powerful force, both by land ami 
sc.i, of any of the kings who hail reigned in Illyria before him', 
we are informed by Polybius (2.2). The lllyrians used the 
lembus, a small and last warship with a single bank of oars 
which could carry 50 soldiers in addition to the rowers. Raids 
bv sea from the Adriatic were probably a familiar threat to the 
northwestern Greeks. What was new was the use of a land 
army to follow up and profit from victories gained by the 
navy. 2 

In 234 bc: the royal succession in Epirus came to an end and 
a federal republic was instituted. In the south, the western part 
of Acarnania seceded from this arrangment. Their independence 
was soon threatened by the Actolians who began to occupy 
territory around the Gulf of Ambracia, including Pyrrhus' old 
capital Ambracia, which forced the Epirotcs to establish a new 
centre at Phoenice. Besieged at Medion, the Acarnanians sought 
assistance from Demetrius II of Macedonia, who for most of 
his reign had been at war with the Actolian and Achaean 
Leagues. In response to the request the king brought Agron 
and his lllyrians on the scene. The Illyrian attack mounted in 
either 232 or 231 b<: is described by Polybius. 

One hundred lembi with 500 men on hoard sailed up to land at 
Medion. Dropping anchor at daybreak, they disembarked speedily 
and in secret. They then formed up in the order that was usual in 
their own country, and advanced in their several companies against 
the Actolian lines. The latter were overwhelmed with atonishment at 
the unexpected nature and boldness of the move; but they had 
long been inspired with overweening self-confidence, and having full 
reliance on their own forces were far from being dismayed. They 
drew up the greater part of their hoplites and cavalry in front of their 
own lines on the level ground, and with a portion of their cavalry 
and their light infantry they hastened to occupy some rising ground 
in front of their camp, which nature had made easily defensible. A 
single charge, however, of the lllyrians, whose numbers and close 
order gave them irresistible weight, served to dislodge the light-armed 
troops, and forced the cavalry who were on the ground with them 
to retire to the hoplites. But the lllyrians, being on higher ground, 
and charging down from it upon the Actolian troops formed up on 



1 Hammond 1968 (kingdom of Agron). 



|sX 



Greek lllyrians 



the plain, muted them without difficulty. The Medionians joined the 
action by sallying oui ol the town and charging the Actolians. Thus, 
after killing a great number, and taking a still greater number pris- 
oners, and becoming masters also ol their arms and baggage, the 
lllyrians, having carried out the orders of their king, conveyed their 
baggage and the rest of their booty to their boats and immediately 
set sail for their own country. (Polybius 2.3) 

This defeat of the Actolians, famed for their victory over the 
invading Gauls a generation before, caused a sensation in 
Greece. Agron was beside himself with delight when his ships 
returned and he learned of the victory from his commanders. 
The king then drank so much by way of celebration, it was 
reported, that this, and 'other similar indulgences', brought on 
an attack of pleurisy which killed him within a few days. 1 

illy rian success continued when command passed to Agron's 
widow Teuta, who granted individual ships a licence to univer- 
sal plunder. In 231 bc the fleet and army attacked Elis and 
Messenia in the Peloponnese. On the way home they called for 
supplies at Phoenice in Epirus, which, for a consideration, the 
garrison of 800 Gaulish mercenaries handed over to them. The 
Epirotes, who had evidently not been involved in recent events, 
quickly assembled an army to relieve the town. News that the 
Illyrian Scerdilaidas was marching south through the pass at 
Antigoneia caused the Epirotes to send part of their forces 
north to secure that town. At Phoenice the Epirotes became 
careless and during the night the lllyrians were able to leave 
the town, cross the river - after replacing the wooden bridge 
which the besiegers had partly dismantled - and take up a 
good position to offer battle, which they proceeded to win the 
next day. The scale of the fighting now began to increase. The 
Epirotes had already hegged assistance from the Greek Leagues, 
while the lllyrians, having joined up with the force under 
Scerdilaidas, marched inland to Halicranum (in the plain of 
modern Ioannina). Here they were preparing to do battle with 
the Leagues, and were choosing a good site, when orders to 
withdraw arrived from Queen Teuta, on the grounds that some 
of the lllyrians had gone over to the Dardani. A truce was 



! Hammond 1967b, 591 and 595 f. 



Kingdom ../ Illyriam 



159 



agreed, Phoenice was returned foi a price, along with Freeborn 

prisoners. Slaves and the loot were put on the ships while 
the army under Scerdilaidas marched north by the pass at 
Antigoneia. The continued Illyrian success was another shock 
for the Greeks: 'For seeing the most securely placed and power- 
ful city of Epirus thus unexpectedly reduced to slavery, they 
one and all began to feel anxious, not merely as in former 
times for their property in open country, but for the safety of 
their own persons and cities' (Polybius 2.6). The Epirotes signi- 
fied their acceptance of the Illyrian victory by sending envoys 
to Teuta promising cooperation with them and hostility 
towards the Leagues. Teuta was delighted with the profits of 
the expedition. Phoenice was the most prosperous place in 
Epirus, and centre for the growing commerce with Italy. It was 
Illyrian interference with that commerce which brought Roman 
forces across the Adriatic for the first time. 4 

Even before the first war against Garthage (264-241 bc:), 
from which they gained control of Sicily, the Romans had been 
aware of the danger to the Adriatic coast of Italy from seaborne 
attack. In 246 a colony of Roman citizens was settled at 
Brundisium to keep a watch on the Ionian gulf. 'From time 
immemorial lllyrians had attacked and robbed ships sailing 
from Italy' (Polybius 2.8, I ). During their occupation of Phoen- 
ice a number of the Illyrian ships had engaged in privateering 
against Italian merchants. So many were now robbed, murdered 
or captured that the Roman Senate, after ignoring earlier com- 
plaints, realized that something had to be done. Polybius (2.8) 
furnishes a suspiciously vivid account of a Roman embassy to 
Queen Teuta, a version of events that was intended to justify 
the Roman invasion of Illyria.Tt was led by the brothers L. 
and Gn. Goruncanius. On arrival they found Teuta celebrating 
the end of a rebellion in Illyria and engaged in laying siege to 
the Greek island city Issa (Vis), 'the last town which held out'. 
When the ambassadors complained of injuries to Romans, 
Teuta promised that no royal forces would harm them but said 
she was unable to put an end to the tradition of private 
enterprise. One of the ambassadors lost his temper and prom- 



4 Dell 1967b (Illyrian motives in 230 bc). 



160 



Greek Myrians 



iscd '(o improve relations between sovereign and subject in 
Illyria'. The queen heard llns 'with womanish passion and 
unreasoning anger' and arranged tor the insolent envoy to be 
murdered on his homeward voyage. News of this caused the 
Romans to prepare for war: legions were enlisted and the fleet 
assembled, and there was general indignation at 'the queen's 
violation of the law of nations'. 5 

The Roman invasion of Illyria in 229 bc appears to have 
caught Teuta and the Myrians completely off guard. As soon 
as the weather permitted, the queen had ordered south a naval 
expedition even larger than those of previous years, with most 
of the ships heading for an attack on Corcyra. Some landed at 
Epidamnus, entered the city to procure food and water with 
weapons concealed and almost captured it; but they were 
thrown out after a fight and the careless citizens thus 'received 
a useful lesson for the future' (Polybius 2.9, 6). These ships 
now joined the main Myrian force in the siege of Corcyra. The 
Corcyraeans, along with Apollonia and Epidamnus, sought 
assistance from the Leagues of Greece. Ten Achaean ships were 
engaged by the Myrians, reinforced by seven warships of the 
Acamanians, off the island Paxos south of Corcyra. By superior 
tactics the Myrians took four triremes and sank a quinquereme, 
while the rest of the Greeks managed to escape. Corcyra was 
surrendered and was occupied by a garrison under the com- 
mand of Demetrius from the island of Pharos (Hvar). The main 
Myrian force sailed north for another attack on Epidamnus. 
The Myrians were now on the point of controlling all the 
coastline north of the Gulf of Corinth, including the sea routes 
to Sicily and Italy via Corcyra. 6 

The Roman consul Gn. Fulvius had planned to sail his 200 
ships to Corcyra to raise the siege. Even when he learned the 
island had surrendered he still sailed there, having already- 
entered secret negotiations with Demetrius, who had fallen out 
of favour with Teuta. Thus Corcyra welcomed the Romans 
and, with the compliance of Demetrius, surrendered the garri- 
son. The city became a 'friend of Rome' and would hencefor- 
ward rely on Roman protection from the Myrians. Demetrius 

5 There arc discrepancies between the pro-Roman versions of Appian and 
Polybius, Hammond 1968, 5-6. 

6 Polybius 2.9-10. 



Kingdom "/ Ulyriant 



K.I 



now served as adviser to the Roman commanders for the rest 

ot the war. Meanwhile the consul A. Postumius brought an 
annv ot 2(1,(100 infantry and 2001) cavalry across from Brundis- 
ium to Apollonia, which now joined the Roman alliance. I he 
fleet under Fulvius reached Apollonia and the two forces 
advanced in the direction of Epidamnus, causing the Myrians 
to abandon the siege and disperse their forces. The city was 
received into Roman protection and the army now moved 
inland among the Myrian peoples of the hinterland. Here the 
Romans received delegations from many peoples, including the 
Atintani and Parthini, from whom a formal surrender was 
accepted. At sea the blockade of Issa was raised and the city 
also was received into Roman protection. As the Romans 
approached the Myrian heartlands there was more resolute 
opposition. The fleet moved northwards and attacked Myrian 
coastal towns, at one of which, the unidentified Noutria, 
Roman losses included a magistrate of the Republic (quaestor) 
and some military tribunes, although 20 ships laden with plun- 
der were intercepted. The besiegers of lssa fled to Arbo (not 
identified), and the queen herself retreated to Rhizon (Risan), 
in the Gulf of Kotor. The Romans decided that enough had 
been achieved and hostilities ceased. The consuls handed over 
Illyria to Demetrius and withdrew the fleet and army to Epid- 
amnus, from which the greater part returned to Italy under 
Fulvius. Having assembled 40 ships and some troops from 
allies in the area the other consul remained across the Adriatic 
to keep a watch on the Myrian Ardiaei and the peoples under 
Roman protection. Before the end of winter, envoys of Teuta 
appeared in Rome and a treaty was concluded. According to 
its terms the queen would abandon Illy ris, except for a few 
places, and promised not to sail south of Lissus at the mouth 
of the Drin with more than two ships, even then unarmed 
vessels. The terms of the settlement were conveyed to the 
Leagues in Greece, where they were well received since 'the 
Myrians were not the enemies of this or that people, but the 
common enemies of all alike' (Polybius 2.12). So ended the 
first Roman action against Myrians. 7 



"Polybius 2.11-12, Appian, Illyrike 8, Cassius Dio 12 frg. 49. N. Ceka 
1970 (Parthini). 



162 



< treek lllyrians 



I he lllyrians had been forced to give up .ill their rcceni 
conquests south of the Drin. I he Romans had gained control 
of the strategic ports Lpida.n.uis, Apollonia and Corcyra In 
the hmterland several of ihe lllyrian peoples had now the status 
of Rome clients, as was certainly the case with the Parthini in 
the Genusus (Shkumbin) valley and the Atintani further south 
Moreover not only were the Ardiaei prevented from moving at 
will by land and sea into Epirus and western Greece - as in 
230 bc when Scerdilaidas appeared on the scene to profit from 
the lucky capture of Phoenice - but they were now cut off 
from the inland route to Macedonia, their patron and ally 
against the Greek Leagues. To what extent, if at all, the Romans 
had Macedonia in mind when they made their dispositions 
after the first lllyrian war has been much debated. They may- 
well not have taken much account of recent events involving 
Macedonia, lllyrians and the Greeks. For their part the Mace- 
donians will have been aware that the Romans now controlled 
the main route to the Adriatic and that they had ended lllyrian 
control of Dassaretis. Macedonia took no part in the events of 
229 bc. Hitherto the Antigonids had shown little interest 
towards the Adriatic, and when they might have moved to 
support their lllyrian ally the kingdom was recovering from the 
aftermath of a Dardanian raid. 8 

The decade after 229 bc: witnessed a revival of lllvrian power 
under Demetrius of Pharos, who had succeeded Tcuta and 
married I nteuta, mother of the infant King Pinnes. The alliance 
with Macedonia was also revived, as the latter's fortunes 
recovered under the regent Antigonus Doson. In 222 bc an 
lllyrian corps of 1600 fought with distinction under the com- 
mand of Demetrius at Sellasia, where the Macedonians won a 
conclusive victory over the Spartans. Before then, when Rome- 
was preoccupied with a war against the Celtic peoples of the 
Po valley in northern Italy (225-222 bc:), Demetrius was said 
to have detached the Atintani from their Roman alliance and 
in contravention of the settlement of 228 bc, to have sailed 
south of Lissus and engaged in piracy. The Romans also sus- 



* Hammond 1968 (geography of Roman settlement); Roman motives: Dell 
1967a, 1970b, Levi 197.?. 



Kingdom »l Hlyriam 



pected tli.it Demetrius had some sort ol understanding with the 
Histri .ii the head ol the Adriatic, who were interfering with 
Roman supply ships. These were evidently the 'pirates' attacked 
by a Roman Meet in 221 n< (Appian, lllyrikc S). Parly in the 
summer ol that year, when tension was rising in Greece as 
Macedonia made an alliance with the Achaean League against 
the Aetolian League, the lllyrians attacked in their traditional 
manner. Demetrius and Scerdilaidas (presumably the same who 
commanded a land army ten years earlier) sailed south of Lissus 
with 90 lllyrian warships (lembi). After an assault on Pylos in 
the western Peloponnese had failed they separated their forces, 
Demetrius taking his chances in plundering the Cyclades while 
his colleague returned north. On putting in at Naupactus with 
40 ships Scerdilaidas was encouraged by his brother-in-law 
Amynas, king of the Athamancs, to join the Aetolians in their 
planned invasion of Achaca. Meanwhile, back in Illyria, Deme- 
trius continued operations during the following winter, it is 
said, attacking and seizing Roman allied cities in lllyris. The 
Romans, who had hitherto ignored the activities of their former 
ally, decided that the harbours on the coast of lllyris had now 
to be made secure, in view of the threat of another war with 
Carthage.'' 

Unlike Tcuta in 229 bc, Demetrius was prepared for the 
Roman invasion. He placed a garrison in Dimale (Dimallum), 
a fortress inland from Apollonia, eliminated his opponents in 
other places and stationed 6000 of his best forces on his home 
island Pharos. As before, both consuls of the year accompanied 
the Roman expedition, but the leading role was played by 
Aemilius Paullus, who was to be killed in the great Roman 
disaster at Cannae three years later. Having decided that Dimale 
was crucial to Demetrius' power in the region, the consul 
prepared to besiege it but was able to take the place by assault 
within seven days. As a result all the towns of the area submit- 
ted to Roman protection, each receiving the appropriate terms 
and conditions. Next the Romans moved against Demetrius on 
his island of Pharos, who awaited the attack with good troops, 
ample provisions and war materials behind strong fortifi- 



"Dcll 1967b, 1970a, Hammond 1968. 



Gretk Ulyriam 



cations. In order to avoid .1 long siege Aemilius decided to risk 
another frontal attack. I Ik- army was moved from the mainland 
to a wooded area of the island, while a small force of ships 
was sent out to tempt Demetrius from behind his fortifications. 
The strategy worked, and when the main Roman army 
appeared from another direction on the island the Myrians 
were forced to give battle cut off from their city. Demetrius 
deserted his forces (who soon surrendered) and fled to Mace- 
donia, in whose service he died later fighting bravely. The 
Romans destroyed the fortifications of Pharos and before the 
summer was over Aemilius was hack in Rome receiving con- 
gratulations for a job well done. Any th reat to the Roman hold 
on lllyris had been eliminated, all the gains of the first war had 
been secured, and the old restrictions of movement imposed 
on the rulers of lllyria. 10 

The career of Demetrius drew Rome and Macedonia closer 
to conflict. He may indeed have returned to lllyria and have 
been attacked by another Roman force, although the regime of 
Pinnes, now confirmed as king, was left intact. In contrast, 
Scerdilaidas who was also an ally of Philip of Macedonia, 
managed to avoid any entanglement with the Romans, although 
his support for Macedonia against the Actolians in 218 bc was 
curtailed by 'plots and conflicts' caused by the rulers of various 
cities. In 217 bc: Hannibal defeated the Romans at Lake Trasi- 
mene and his army later moved across to the Adriatic coast of 
Italy, first to Picenum and later to Apulia. This renewed Roman 
concern regarding the state of affairs in the Adriatic. In their 
first direct communication with Macedonia they demanded the 
surrender of Demetrius, while Pinnes was ordered to pay the 
arrears of 'tribute', presumably some sort of reparations 
imposed after the recent war. The former demand was refused 
and no response from the latter is recorded. At this point 
Scerdilaidas ceased his support of Philip, maintaining that the 
promised subsidy was in arrears. He dispatched 15 ships, osten- 
sibly to collect and escort the payment, but at Leucas south of 
Corcyra his forces killed two of Philip's Corinthian friends and 
seized their four ships. They then sailed south and began to 



Poly bins 3.18-19, Appian, Illyrike 8, Cassius Dio 12 frg. 53. 



Kingdom -■/ Ulyriam 



K.S 



plunder shipping around ( ape Malca in die southern Pelopon 
nese. In response Philip prepared a strong naval force, 12 
decked-ships, eight open vessels and JO light craft called 'hemi- 
oliae', which headed south at lull speed to deal with the Illyri- 
ans. Now Scerdilaidas attacked Macedonia overland: seizing 
strongholds in Dassaretis, he looted Pissaeum in Macedonian 
Pelagonia and overran some frontier districts of Philip's king- 
dom. Before the winter Philip had occupied the area of Lychn- 
itis, cutting off the direct route from lllyria, and extended his 
power to Dassaretis, which brought him into direct contact 
with the Roman clients in lllyris. It is reported that Philip was 
already contemplating an advance to the Adriatic and possibly 
an invasion of Italy, urged on by his counsellor Demetrius. In 
order to do this he had to secure a base on the Adriatic, a port 
such as Epidamnus or Apollonia, and this was not possible 
unless he committed a fleet to the Adriatic. There he would 
face not only the lembi of Scerdilaidas but also the heavier 
warships of the Roman navy." 

In 216 bc Philip sailed towards the Adriatic with 100 of his 
own lembi, built in Macedonia by Illyrian shipwrights during 
the previous winter. On learning that the Roman fleet was 
off western Sicily he passed Corcyra, apparently heading for 
Apollonia. Near the mouth of the Aous he learned that a 
Roman fleet was heading for Apollonia to support Scerdilaidas. 
In the event Philip's hasty retreat, sailing non-stop two days 
and nights to reach Cephallonia, proved a serious blunder since 
there were in fact only ten Roman ships, dispatched to bolster 
up Scerdilaidas after he had reported Philip's naval preparations 
and pleaded for Roman assistance. 'If Philip had not fled from 
these [ships] in such a panic he would have had the best 
chance to attain his ambition in lllyria' (Polybius 5.1 10), was a 
contemporary verdict on this incident. In 215 bc: Philip con- 
cluded a formal treaty with Hannibal: if Carthage made peace 
with Rome there would bc no war against Macedonia; Rome 
would surrender control of Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnus, 
Pharos, Dimale, the Parthini and the Atintani; Demetrius and 
his allies would bc restored to power in Pharos and in other 



"Polybius 595, 101 and 108, Hammond 1968. 



Crttk Ittyriam 



territories then under Roman control, rhe Roman response 
was to station a fleet ai Tarentum to guard the coasl ami keep 
watch on the Macedonians. In 214 i« , aware thai his new ally 
was engaging the Romans at Tarentum, Philip moved with 
rather more determination that he had shown two years before. 
His fleet of 120 lembi tried to seize Apollonia but when they 
failed to make a quick capture moved south to seize Oricus, 
though this lacked both fortifications and supporting man- 
power. The Roman commander M. Valerius Laevinus, having 
placed a garrison of 2000 men at Apollonia, headed south with 
his warships, and some legionaries embarked on transports and 
recaptured Oricus, Philip's weak garrison offering only token 
resistance. Now Laevinus learned that Apollonia was close to 
capitulation to a Macedonian siege and sent 2000 men on 
warships to the mouth of the river Aous. Under the prefect 
Naevius Crista they made a detour and managed to enter the 
city at night by a route unknown to the besiegers. The next 
night the Roman troops and the citizens, having realized the 
general state of slackness in the Macedonian army, marched 
into the enemy camp and would have reached the king's tent 
if the slaughter of men near the gate had not raised the alarm. 
It is reported that .5000 were captured or killed. The camp was 
looted and the siege equipment taken over by the citizens for 
their own use in any future attack. Anything else of value was 
handed over to the Romans. Laevinus moved his ships to the 
mouth of the Aous to block Philip's escape by sea. The king 
beached and set fire to his ships and marched home 'with an 
army for the most part robbed of its arms and possessions' 
(Livy 24.40, 17), while Valerius and the fleet wintered at 
Oricus. Illyria had witnessed the first direct clash between 
Rome and Macedonia, which had ended in a total humiliation 
for the latter. 12 

In spite of this setback Philip persisted with his efforts in the 
northwest and during the next two years was able to detach 
the Parthini and Atintani from the Roman alliance. In 213 or 
212 bc he moved into the heart of Illyria and captured the 
strongholds of Lissus and Acrolissus on the lower Drin. This 



12 Polybius 5.109-10, Livy 24.40. Budina 1976 (Oricus). 



Kingdom <<l lllyrlam 



l(,7 



success attracted more support from among the Illyrians. fhe 
troublesome regime ol Sccrdilaidas would now appear to have 
been eliminated while Philip had acquired a naval base on the 
Adriatic from which he could not only threaten Roman Italy 
hut also maintain direct contact with Hannibal in Italy. The 
Roman response was an alliance with the Aetolian League 
against Philip which others, including Sccrdilaidas and his son 
Pleuratus, were invited to join. Rome promised 25 quinque- 
remes to support the land operations of their allies: as far north 
as Corcyra all the moveable loot should bc the Roman share. 
By this extension of the war into Greece the history of Illyris 
and the Illyrians became dominated by conflicts between Rome 
and Macedonia. For the moment, however, all these matters 
were for the Romans merely a distraction from the effort 
against Hannibal and Carthage." 

l or around a century the kingdom of the Illyrians was a 
minor but stable power on the margin of the Hellenistic world. 
No Greek writer is known to have made a serious study of 
Illyrians in their homeland and what has been transmitted 
about them is often little more than nonsense, such as the 
I lellenistic historian Alexander's tale of the Illyrian Dando who 
lived to be 500 without becoming senile. Greek writers - 
notably the contemporary historian Polybius - depict Illyrian 
rulers, especially Queen Teuta, as victims of their irrational 
conduct and murderous instincts. In the light of such prejudice 
it is difficult to make any valid comparison between institutions 
of the Illyrian kingdom and those of the more established 
powers around the eastern Mediterranean, Macedonia, Perga- 
mum, Syria, etc. The monarchy was hereditary, indicated by 
the succession of the infant Pinnes to Agron (c.230 bc;). Control 
was in the hands of Agron's widow Teuta, though not the 
mother of Pinncs, and subsequently of Demetrius of Pharos, 
who married Triteuta, mother of the infant king. .Military 
command was in the hands of Scerdilaidas, possibly Agron's 
brother, but the prominent role of women, even in a polyga- 
mous society, may be compared with that among other 

"Philip's conquests in Illyria: Polybius 8.l4-14b (Lissus, Dassaretae, 
Uscana), Livy 29.12 (l)imalc, Parthini and Atintancs). H. Ceka 1971 (coin 
hoard of <r.213 bc). Lissus: Prendi 1975b, 1981. 



168 



Gretk Myriani 



Hellenistic dynasties. I ike the kings ol Macedonia and Epirus, 
Illy rian rulers contracted a succession of marriages as a means 
of sealing alliances with other powers 14 

The power of the Ardiaean dynasty was centred on fortresses 
around the Lake of Shkoder, notably Lissus, Scodra, Meteon 
(Mcdun) and others on the coast including Bouthoe (Budva), 
Olcinium (Ulcinj) and Rhizon (Risan) in the Gulf of Kotor. It 
seems doubtful whether, except for temporary success in time 
of war, the Illyrian kings ever exercised effective control south 
of Lissus, where the coastal plains, productive of cereals and 
pasture, remained under the control of Dyrrachium and Apol- 
lonia. It was seafaring which brought Illyrians to the notice of 
the Greek world, notably their piratical raids in lembi which, 
though of no use for the bulk cargoes of merchantmen, were 
well able to bear away loot and prisoners. Piracy had long been 
a familiar and largely accepted hazard in the Greek world. 
With their forces combined pirates - notably those of Crete - 
could prove effective allies and some established powers did 
not hesitate to employ them. As we have seen, the Illyrians 
became accustomed to assisting the kings of Macedonia, pro- 
viding the terms were right. The actual responsibility of the 
Illyrians for what appears to have been the chronic menace of 
piracy in the Adriatic was grossly exaggerated in a Roman 
version of history formed at this period. On land the Hellenistic 
powers made extensive use of mercenaries. Like Thracians to 
the east the Illyrians were also an important source of military- 
manpower, and often served as separate contingents under their 
own leaders. Individuals may have been recruited to the armies 
of Macedon and Pergamum but none is recorded in any com- 
manding role during this period. 15 

Something of the material culture of the subjects of the 
Illyrian kings has been revealed by the contents of a cemetery 
of the late third and second centuries bc excavated in 1 956—8 
at Vele Lcdine, Gostilj, in hilly country bordering the Lake of 



14 Papa/oglu 1967, 1986 (Illyrian 'politarchs' in 229-205 bc:), Walbank 
1976. 

,5 Torr 1895, 115-16 (lembus). 



Kingdom <>/ Illy riant 



shkoder (sec figure IS). The I U tombs contained 136 burials, 
HIOSl <>l individual adults, along with another I 1 ' burials of 
those whose origins differed from tin rest. The burials were 
not symmetrically arranged ami nor wire there any external 
indications of the existence of the graves, save for two into 
which spears had been driven upright after burial had taken 
place. Grave goods alongside the extended corpses included 
offerings of food and drink and small jars which probably 
contained perfume. The vessels have Greek forms and most are 
of south Italian type, while the many bronze and silver brooches 
belong to the middle La Tene type. Male burials contained 
only double-pin brooches, female burials single-pin. Among 
several coins were issues of Scodra, preceding and during the 
reign of Gentius, along with some from the period after his 




Figure 18 Plan of burials in cemetery at Gostilj, Montenegro 



17(1 



Greek lltyriatis 



deposition in 168 l« . Three silver hell pi. lies .mil one ol bronze 
of the well-known "Greco Illy 'Han' type were ilecorated with 
figures of warriors and magical symbols."' 

Roman alliance and conquest 

Roman alliance with the Aetolians against Macedonia will have 
encouraged the hitter's enemies to seek an immediate profit 
while forcing its allies to reflect on the depth of their loyalty 
to the king. In 210 bc Philip raided some of the most southerly 
Illyrian communities in the hinterland of Apollonia. In 208 iu 
Philip's garrison at l.ychnidus was betrayed by its commander 
to a local leader Aeropus, who proceeded to invite the Dardani 
into the area. When they reached the plain of Macedonia the 
king was forced to abandon operations in Greece. A similar 
pattern of events occurred in the following year and the Dard- 
anians now became such a threat to the Macedonian war effort 
in Greece that their actions may have been instigated by the 
Romans, employing their allies in lllyria as intermediaries. Then 
all changed when the king made a separate peace in 206 with 
the Aetolians and in the following year with the Romans, after 
the latter had invaded Illyris from a base at Apollonia. For a few 
years at least Philip could turn his forces against his perpetual 
enemies in the north, Illyrians, Dardanians and Thracians. 1 ' 

Both Scerdilaidas and his son Pleuratus are listed among the 
parties to the peace of 205 bc, but by 200 bc the latter was 
ruling alone in lllyria, when he appeared at the Roman head- 
quarters in Dassaretis offering to assist the expedition against 
Macedonia. The Roman consul Galba declined the offer but 
promised to seek Illyrian help when his army was in Macedonia. 
Although Pleuratus is reported to have invaded the territories 
of Philip V at least once, his contribution to Roman victory in 
197 bo would appear to have been minimal. Nonetheless the 
king was rewarded with possession of the strategic region 
Lychnitis, which had been in Macedonian hands for nearly two 

16 Basler 1972, also Ylli 1976 (Leshnje, Skrapar), Korkuti 1972 (Gajtan near 
Shkodcr). 

1 I.ivy 29.12, Hammond 1968. 



Kingdom "I lllyrlam 



i i 



centuries, and also control ovci the Parthint, former Roman 
alius in the Shkumhin valley. This placed under Illyrian control 
the route to Macedonia from the west, bill the Roman intention 
was rather to deny control to Macedonia than to signal their 
regard for Pleuratus. He this as it may, the Illyrian king became 
famous for what he had gained from loyalty to the Romans: 
'in return for doing nothing he was made the greatest of the 
rulers of Illyris' (Polybius 21.23). Pleuratus was permitted to 
plunder the coast of Actolia with 60 lembi during the next 
round of warfare in 189 bc, but received no gains of territory 
.ii the conclusion of hostilities. Nevertheless, for around 20 
vears a king of lllyria profited from the hostility between Rome 
aiul Macedonia, but matters were to turn out very differently 
lor his successor. IX 

By 181 bc. the loyal Pleuratus had been succeeded by his son 
dentins. The coast and hinterland south of the Drin remained 
under Roman control, and nothing is known of how the Illyrian 
kingdom exploited, if it really ever did, the territories awarded 
io ii in 197 bc:, notably the area of Lychnitis around Ohrid. 
Instead the Illyrians moved to increase their power over kindred 
peoples living to the north and west. Among the islands the 
Greek city of Issa had retained some form of independence 
under Roman protection but Pharos remained an Illyrian pos- 
session. On the mainland the Delmatae and the Daorsi were at 
one time subjects, but the former were reported to have defected 
soon after the accession of Gcntius. Illyrian strength lay in their 
ships and it was their interference with Adriatic shipping which 
once more aroused Roman interest in the area. In 180 i« a 
Roman praetor responsible for coastal protection arrived in 
Brundisium with some ships of Gentius said to have been 
caught in the act of piracy. An embassy to lllyria failed to 
locate the king; but the praetor discovered that Romans and 
Italians were being held for ransom at Corcyra (Korcula in 
Dalmatia rather than Corfu). No outcome of the affair is 
reported and it may well be that the Senate accepted a claim 
by Gentius' envoys that the charges were false. Ten years later, 



ls Pleuratus and Rome: Livy 31.28, 33.34, 38.7; Polybius 17.47, 21.11 and 
21. Dell 1977 (Roman-lllyrian relations 200-168 bc ). 



172 



Greek Ulyriam 



when Rome was gripped with war-fever againsi Perseus o( 
Macedonia, Issa accused Gentius o( plotting war with the king 
and now the Illy rian envoys were denied a hearing before the 
Senate. Instead the Romans seized 54 Illyrian lenibi at anchor 
in the harbour of Epidamnus. On the eve of war a Roman 
senator was sent to Illy ria to remind the king of his formal 
friendship with the Roman Republic. Nothing is recorded of 
relations at this time between the Illyrians of Gentius and the 
Dardanians, both Roman allies in the previous war against 
Macedonia. In 169 bc there was a report that Gentius had his 
brother Plator killed because his plan to marry Ktuta, daughter 
of the Dardanian chief Monunius, would have made him too 
powerful and that he then married the princess himself. 19 

In 170 bc a Roman army failed twice to enter Macedonia 
from the direction of Thessaly, and Perseus used the respite to 
raid Illyrians from a base at Stuberra, in the hope, it is reported, 
of tempting Gentius to become his ally. In midwinter 170/169 
bc. Perseus launched a successful raid on the Illyrian Penestac 
and captured their chief town Uscana (perhaps Debar on the 
Drin or Kicevo on a tributary of the Vardar). This people are 
not otherwise recorded but there seems no reason to connect 
them with a subject class of the population in Thessaly known 
by the same name. During the previous summer Roman forces 
based at Lychnidus had, after an initial failure, captured Uscana 
with the help of Illyrian allies and expelled a Macedonian 
garrison of Gretan mercenaries. Perseus recaptured the place 
with little difficulty along with several other Roman posts in 
the area, including Oaneum on a river Aratus, which controlled 
the route leading west to the kingdom of Gentius among the 
Labeates around Scodra. At this point Perseus sent his first 
embassy to Gentius, consisting of the Illyrian exile Pleuratus 
for his command of the Illyrian language and the Macedonian 
Adaeus from iicroea. They found Gentius at Lissus and infor- 
med him of Perseus' successes against the Romans and Dardani- 
ans and his recent winter victory among the Penestac. The 
Illyrian replied that he lacked not the will to fight the Romans 



"Livy 40.42 (180 bc), 42.26 (172 bc) and 48; Polvbius 29.13, cf. Livv 
44.30 (fratricide). 



Kingdom '-/ lllyrlani 



173 



but only tin- money. No promises were made on this point 
either by this embassy or anothci seni from Stuberra shortly 
afterwards. Meanwhile, the Roman commander failed to recap- 
ture Uscana but look hostages from those among the Penestae 
who professed loyalty, and also from the Parthini further west, 
among whom his troops were stationed in winter quarters. 
Perseus continued his efforts to involve Gentius in the war, 
preferably, it was said, at no cost to his treasury. The Illyrian 
exile Pleuratus raised 1000 infantry and 200 cavalry from the 
Penestae that in 169 bc fought for Macedonia with distinction 
in the defence of Cassandrea. 20 

I he Roman invasion of Macedonia in 168 bc: forced the king 
lo promise a subsidy to Gentius, whose ships might be 
employed to attack the Romans. A sum of 300 talents was 
mentioned and Perseus sent his companion Pantauchus to make 
the arrangements. At Meteon hostages were agreed and Gentius 
accepted the oath of the king. He sent Olympic) with a del- 
egation to Perseus to collect the money, and the treaty was 
concluded with some ceremony at Dium on the Thermaic gulf. 
The 300 talents were counted out of the royal treasury at Pella 
and the Illyrians were permitted to mark it with their own 
stamp. An advance of ten talents was forwarded to lllyria and 
when this was passed over by Pantauchus the king was urged 
lo commence hostilities against the Romans. When Gentius 
imprisoned two Roman envoys sent by Appius Claudius at 
Lychnidus, Perseus recalled the rest of the subsidy in the belief 
that Gentius was now his ally, come what may. 21 

Appius Claudius was succeeded at Lychnidus by the praetor 
L. Anicius Gallus, who was assigned responsibility for oper- 
ations against Gentius. It appears that the Illyrians planned one 
of their usual expeditions with army and navy in the direction 
of Epidamnus, and an army of 15,000 was assembled at I.issus. 
After detaching 1000 infantry and 50 horsemen under his half- 
brother Caravantius to deal with the Cavi, otherwise unknown, 
Gentius advanced south for five miles and proceeded to attack 

M Livy 43.18-19 (Uscana and Oaneum), Hammond 1966 and 1972, 43 f. 
(= Kicevo), Frasheri 1975 (Uscana = Debar/Dibra), Kaca 1981 (Dibra 
region), Polvbius 28.8-9 (embassy to Gentius). 
21 Livy 44.23 (treaty at Dium), Polvbius 29.2. 



Greek lllyriant 



Bassania, a town under Roman control. Anicius was based .11 
Apol Ionia where, in addition to Roman forces, there were 2()()<> 
infantry and 200 cavalry from the l'arthini, commanded by the 
chiefs F.picadus and Algalsus. What happened next is missing 
from the record but it seems that the Romans defeated the 
Illyrian navy sent to attack supply-routes, and the story resumes 
with Gentius trapped in Scodra and hoping for relief from 
Caravantius. When the king finally surrendered to the praetor 
the Roman army marched to the north end of the lake, where 
at Meteon they captured Gentius' queen Ktleva, his brother 
Caravantius and his sons Scerdilaidas and Pleuratus, and 
released the imprisoned Roman envoys. Gentius was placed in 
custody and sent to Rome. Anicius, leaving Gabinius in charge 
at Scodra and G. Licinius to control Rhizon and Olcinium, 
moved his army south to attack Macedonian possessions in 
Epirus. The whole campaign had lasted only 30 days. 22 

At the end of the season, after settling his army in winter 
quarters, Anicius returned to Illyria, where the five com- 
missioners from Rome had reached Scodra. All the chiefs from 
the areas affected by his operations were summoned to hear 
what the Senate and Roman people had decided. The lllyrians 
were to receive their freedom, and Anicius undertook to remove 
garrisons from all cities, citadels and strongholds. Not only 
freedom but also exemption from tribute was conferred on 
Issa, the Taulantii, the Pirustae of the Dassarctii, and also on 
the people of Rhizon and Olcinium because they had all joined 
the Roman side while Gentius was yet undefeated. Similarly 
the Daorsi were granted freedom from tribute because they had 
deserted Caravantius and gone over with their arms to the 
Romans. Half the tax which they had previously paid to the 
king was imposed on the Scodrenses, the Dassarenses, the 
Selepitani and the rest of the lllyrians. Finally, following the 
example of Rome's organization of the defeated Macedonians, 
Illyria was divided into three regions. The location of the first 
is not clear but was probably in the south around I.issus, the 
second was I.abeatis, around the lake, and the third lay on the 



[.ivy 44.30-2. 



Kingdom <<l Ulyriam 



1 ■•» 



coasi around Rhizon, Acruvium and Olcinium. 2 ' Bronze coins 
wiihsiniil.il types issued by I.issus (iigure 1 9a) and the Labeates 
(figure 19c) may belong to the first and second of these regions, 
while those of the Daorsi struck apparently at Osanici possibly 
to the third. 

The celebration of the praetor's triumph 'over king Gentius 
and the lllyrians' took place in February 167 bc, but suffered 
somewhat from comparison with the awesome spectacle of the 
triumph of Aeniilius I'aullus over Macedonia which the Romans 
h.ul witnessed the previous December. As many observed, 
everything was on a smaller scale, but still well-earned for a 
total victory by land and sea over the lllyrians, an enemy 
confident in their terrain and their fortifications. In the tri- 
umphal procession were paraded military standards of the 
lllvrians, the royal furniture, 27 pounds of gold, 19 of silver, 
I $,000 denarii and 120,000 Illyrian silver pieces. In front of 
Anicius' chariot were led Gentius, his brother, his wife and 
children and several leading lllyrians. Generous rewards were 
paid to the allies and the fleet, the same 45 denarii as had been 
granted to Roman citizens who had served in the campaign. 
The soldiers were in high spirits during the triumph and their 
commander was the subject of many songs. Besides the gold 
and silver, the booty realised 20 million sesterces for the treas- 
ury. The Senate ordered Gentius and his household to be 
confined at Spoleto but when its citizens objected they were 
tranferred to Iguvium in Umbria. The 220 captured Illyrian 
lembi were presented to the peoples of Corey ra, Apollonia and 
Dyrrhachium (Kpidamnus). 24 

A significant indication of Hellenistic influence on the 
lllyrians is furnished by the locally produced coinages of the 
third and second centuries ik . They are similar in character 
to those issued from the fourth century bc onwards by Greek 
settlements on the Adriatic coast. Their limited circulation 
suggested that they were intended for trade with the native 
lllyrians rather than with the rest of the Greek world. The 
'Greco-Illyrian' coins tend to be small, roughly produced 

2, Livy 45.26, H. Ceka 1984, Hammond and Walbank 1988. 

14 Triumph of Anicius: Inscriptiones italiae XIII pt. 1, pp. 81 and 566, Livy 

45.43. 



176 



Greek Wyriani 



bronzes (silver is scarce, especially towards the north). I he 
obverse has generally the head ol a deity or sometimes that 
of a ruler, with divine attributes - such as the club, bow and 
arrow of Herakles - on the reverse. Other reverse types 
include the familiar themes of produce, corn, the vine and 
pottery vessels, of animals, including goats, stags and does, 
and images of seafaring, including merchantmen. The silver 
and bronze coins of Dyrrhachium and Apol Ionia occur in 
large numbers not only along the coast but also far inland, 
especially from the late fifth century bc: until production 
ceased around 100 bc. The circulation of the coins of 
Damastion included Dardania (Metohija and the Morava 
valley) and beyond, and to the west the southern Adriatic- 
coast from Scodra to Split. This dispersal suggests a pattern 
of commerce among the southern Illyrians less directed 
towards the south (where the coins are rare) than towards 
the central Balkans. This complements the archaeological 
evidence for a rupture in the trading connections between 
the Illyrians and the Greek world after the middle of the fifth 
century iic. 2> 

One of the first coin issues by the Adriatic Greeks remains 
something of a mystery. A city named Herakleia struck 
bronze coins to a Syracusan standard which circulated locally 
in the fourth century ik:, but the location of the city remains 
to bc identified, the area of Split and the island of Korcula 
being among current suggestions. Similarly, coins with the 
legend DIM or DI, many overstruck issues of other cities, 
would appear to have been produced somewhere on the 
island of Hvar. Something approaching a local dominance- 
was achieved by coins of the colony Pharos on the same 
island and Issa on the island Vis. Silver and bronze issues of 
the former are known in whole and fractional (half, quarter 
and sixth) denominations. The 16 or so types of lssaean 
coinage begin in the mid-fourth century with the 'Ionio' 
scries, the name of either a local hero or contemporary ruler. 



-^Dukat and Mirnik 1976, H. Ceka 1972a, 1972b (Bakerr hoard of 
c. 200 bc). 



Kingdom ••/ lllyriant 



177 



il not a reference to the figure aftci whom the Ionian dull 
was named. " 

The lirst lllyri.in rulers know n i<> have issued coins were king 
Monunius and his successor Mytilus in the early third century 
r.i . The most productive was dentins, whose treasury of 
I .'(1,000 pieces ot silver we have seen conveyed to Rome after 
his defeat in 168 iu . Two of his mints were located at Scodra 
and l.issus, and his coins were also struck at Dyrrhachium. 
I lere the royal title is absent from a silver coin, and the name 
( .i iit ins, not uncommon at Dyrrhachium, may belong not to 
the king but to a local magistrate, although around 30 to 40 
examples of bronze have been recorded with the legend 'king 
denthios'. The coins of Lissus, with the Greek legend 'LISSI- 
TAN' (see figure 19a), begin with autonomous issues under 
Macedonian influence {c. 21 1-197 bc:), followed by the issues 
ol Gentius with a galley on the reverse (see figure 19b) and a 
thud series from the period after the king's removal. The Scodra 
coins fall into three similar groups, the first and third with the 
legend 'SKODR1-NON' (see figure 19c) and the second with 
Ol king Genthios'. Coins of Gentius are relatively scarce com- 
pared with those of the otherwise unknown 'Ballaios' or 'king 
Ballaios' (see figure 19d), who appears to have ruled after 168 
ik at Queen Teuta's old stronghold Rhizon (Risan). His silver 
issues are rare, but bronze coins, without the royal title, occur 
on Hvar, both in single finds and in hoards, and at Rhizon in 
a different series bearing the royal title. The coins of Ballaios 
were widely imitated in the region, sometimes so crudely as to 
be unintelligible. Rhizon also produced silver and bronze coins, 
some bearing a Macedonian shield type which have been dated 
to around 21 1-197 bc:. Two other coinages of Illyrian peoples 
are dated to the period following 168 bc . Those with the legend 
DAORSON with a galley on the reverse were produced by the 
Daorsi. They dwelt around Stolac near the Neretva valley in 
1 lercegovina, and their fortress at Osanici shows signs of Greek 
influence. Finally coins with the legend 'LABIATAN' were 



Jft D. Rendic-Mioccvic 1970a (Ionio), 1976b, Bonacic-Mandic 1987 
(Pharos). 



Figure 19 a) Bronze coin of Lissus: head of Artemis (obv.), thunder- 
bolt and legend USS1-TAN (rev.), 2nd century bc; diameter 12 mm 
b) Bronze coin of lllyrian king Centhios (Gentius): Illyrian deity 
wearing broad bat (obv.), Illyrian ship and legend GENTH (rev.), 
180-168 nr.; diameter 20 mm 



(e) 

Yigure 19 Continued 
c) Bronze coins of Scodra: bead of Zeus (obv.), Illyrian ship with 
legend SKODRI-NON (rev.), 2nd century bc; diameter 17 mm 
d) Bronze coin of King Ballaios; diameter 16 mm 
e) Bronze coin of Labeates: Illyrian deity wearing broad hat (obv.), 
lllyrian ship with dolphin and legend LABIATAN (rev.), 2nd century 
bc; diameter 20 mm 



180 Creek lllyrians 

produced by the Labeatac of the Lacus Labeatis (Lake of 
Shkoder) (see figure 19e) and, like the earlier pieces of Scodra, 
bear on the reverse a galley, that traditional image of Hellenistic 
Illyria. 27 



27 Monunius: D. Rendic-Miocevic 1981, Picard 1986; Gentius: Islami 1972c, 
H. Ceka 1976b (portrait), D. Rendic-Miocevic 1972-3; Lissitan: Jubani 
1972c, H. Ceka 1976b, also a 'Redon' legend on Lissus coins, Papazoglu 
1974 (personal name), D. Rendic-Miocevic 1985 (Illyrian hero); Labiatan: 
H. Ceka 1984, Franke 1976 (coin production); Ballaios: Dukat and Mirnik 
1976, Visona 1985 (in Italy); Daorsi: Marie 1979c. 



Part III 
Roman lllyrians 



7 



lllyricum 



Dalmatian and Pannonian Illyrians 

By the middle of the second century bc the Romans knew 
enough of the Illyrians and their country not to risk large 
armies in search of glory. Control over the Adriatic coast may 
have been attained by the end of the century but the interior 
was yet to be penetrated. Not until Augustus decided to station 
the legions around the perimeter of the Empire was the effort 
made to make secure the overland route through the Pannonian 
Illyrians between Italy and the East. That could only be done 
at a great cost and not before a rebellion of lllyricum brought 
the regime of Augustus to the brink of disaster. 

We may begin with the Venetic peoples, Veneti, Garni, Histri 
and Liburni, whose language set them apart from the rest of 
the Illyrians. The Veneti, from whom were named Venetia and 
Venice, were known to the Greek poet Alkman in the late 
seventh century for their love of horses. They inhabited the 
plain between the Alps and the mouth of the Padus (Po), 
defined on the west by the Athesis (Adige) and on the east 
by the Piavis (Piavc) or Tilaventus ( Tagliamento), where they 
bordered the Garni. According to Polybius (2.17) the Veneti 
were an ancient people, but how they were connected, if at all, 
with the Veneti of southern Brittany or with the Slavonic 
Venedi or Veneti (Wends) located by Tacitus on the southern 
Baltic is not known. Their name had linked them in myth with 
the Heneti or Eneti of Paphlagonia in northern Asia Minor, 
notably in the story of how the Trojan hero Antenor fled 



1 84 



Roman lllyrians 



to Vcnctia, where he founded the city ol Patavium (Padua), 
birthplace of the historian Livy. There is no record o( any 
conflict between the Romans and the Veneti. From the outset 
the interests of the two seem to have coincided, as the Romans 
came into hostile contact with neighbours of the Veneti during 
the decade before the Second Punic War. The Veneti give the 
impression of being a stable lowland people, with established 
settlements at Opitergium (Oderzo), Tarvisium (Treviso), Mon- 
tebelluna, Acelum (Asolo) and Altinum, in addition to the 
major settlements at Ateste (Este) and Patavium (Padua). Their 
material remains arc known to archaeologists as the Este 
culture, from the discoveries made at the site of Ateste. At 
Padua, which like Este was an undefended settlement, remains 
of huts buried beneath a depth of up to five metres of silt have 
been located, some protected by a dam of tree-trunks. The 
walls were of clay daub, the floors and hearths were also made 
of clay, above which were set clay or metal fire-dogs. Their 
cemeteries, where the rite of burial was in an urn within a 
stone cist or large jar, have yielded many objects. In the fifth 
century and later some graves were marked with tombstones 
inscribed in the Venetic script. The contents of the graves offer 
little indication of social differences: most appear to have had 
an adequate provision of personal implements and accoutre- 
ments along with a selection of pottery vessels. 1 

The Garni dwelt in a great arc of the eastern Alps (Alpes 
Camicae, later Juliae) between Raetia and Histria and, accord- 
ing to Ptolemy, also extended into the plain of Venetia. On the 
coast the later Roman colonics at Aquileia, Concordia and 
Tergcste (Trieste) and, towards the interior, Forum Julii 
(Cividale di Friuli) were all settled in their territory. Inscriptions 
in the Venetic script, dated to the second century BC, and 
personal names on Latin inscriptions attest the presence of a 
Venetic population in the eastern Alps and Carinthia which 
retained its identity well into Roman times. The Carni are not 
prominent in the record of Roman wars, and their name is 
barely mentioned in the record of assaults on the colony settled 



'Barficld 1971, 116-26, Untermann 1978, Karouskova-Soper 1983 
(castellieri). 



Iltyrii ttm 



.ii Aquileia in IS I i« . Mall a century latei the ( ami are among 
the peoples 'forced to come down from tin- mountains' named 
on the monument erected near Aquileia to the consul of 129 
n< , C. Sempronius Tuditanus, though the mam enemy on this 
Occasion were not the Carni but rather the Japodes, their 
neighbours on the southeast. 2 

I he Histri, as they were generally known, inhabited the 
Istrian peninsula. Strabo (7.5, 3) and Appian [Illyrike 8) 
describe them as lllyrians, but their language was akin to that 
ol the Veneti and Carni and distinct from the rest of the 
lllyrians. On the west the limit of their territory may have been 
the river Formio, south of Tergcste ( Trieste), or the Timavus 
further west. On the east they may have extended to the 
Kvarner (Quarnero) gulf. As a whole Istria is not fertile, but 
its rocky soil produces fine olives and the quality of its oil was 
reckoned close to the best. The best harbour was Pola (Pula) 
mi the west coast near the southern tip of the peninsula. 
Between there and Tergeste lay Parentium (Porec), which like 
Pula was later the site of a Roman colony, and A(e)gida 
(Koper). On the east side, between the Arsia (Rasa) and the 
southern tip of 'Cape Pola' {promunturlum Polaticiim), was 
Ncsactium and the smaller Istrian settlements Mutila and 
Faveria. Off the southwest coast the islets Pullaria (Brioni) have 
been secluded residences for the mighty since Roman times. ' 

Along with Illyrii and Liburni, the Histri appear in Livy's 
history (10.2) as notorious pirates, but the first recorded action 
against them took place in 221 They were accused of 

attacking Roman supply-ships and were also said to have been 
acting in concert with Demetrius of Pharos, then ruling in 
lllvria. An expedition under both consuls of the year was 
victorious but nothing is reported of the outcome. By 186 bc: 
the Romans were in contact with Gauls beyond the Julian Alps. 
Though these exchanges were for the most part friendly the 

J Gabrovec 1966a (ethnic groups in Slovenia), 1966b (settlements;, Gustin 
1978 (fortifications). Valid 1983 (Carnium/Kranj); Carni and Taurisci: 
Alfoldy 1966, Petru 1968, Frcy and Gabrovec 1969 (Sticna), Inscriptiones 
Italiae XIII pt. 3, p. 73, no. 90 (Sempronius Tuditanus). 

' Suit 1967a (boundary on Timavus); pre-Roman settlement: Gnirs 1925, 
Bacic 1970, Mihovilic 1979 (Medolino). 



186 



Roman tllyriam 



Romans suspected thai the < cits had designs on northeast 
Italy, where some had already hegun to construct a fortified 
settlement [oppidum). In 183 bi the Romans were able to 
demolish this and even claimed to have disarmed 12,000 Celtic 
warriors without conflict. When the Gauls complained they 
were told that their property would he returned to them it the\ 
agreed to go home. An embassy of senior senators crossed the 
Alps and a peace was made. This left the Romans free to secure 
the area by placing a colony at Aquileia among the Carni and, 
when that was done in 181 bc, dispatch the expedition against 
the Histri which the consul Claudius Marcellus had intended 
two years before. In 178 bc: the consul Manlius Vulso marched 
into Istria and lost a legion at Tergeste, but in the next year, 
with the fleet stationed at the mouth of the Timavus, king 
Aepulo was defeated at Nesactium. The town was captured 
and destroyed, as were also Mutila and Faveria: 'all Histria 
was pacified and all the surrounding peoples formally surren- 
dered and furnished hostages' (Livy 41.1 0—1 1). In spite of these 
victories the position of the colony was far from being secure, 
and in 171 bc Aquileia was seeking Roman assistance to com- 
plete its defences in the face of attacks by Carni and Histri. 
'I he latter were also involved in the operations of C. Sempronius 
Tuditanus, the consul of 129 itc, against the Japodes. 4 

The fourth of the Venetic-speaking peoples around the head 
of the Adriatic were the Liburni, who occupied the coast and 
islands between Istria and the river Titus (Krka) and had been 
known to the Greeks since at least the eighth century bc. While 
they were regarded by the Romans as pirates in earlier times 
some Greeks had found them hospitable to travellers. The 
fertility of their flocks was a subject of comment, though we 
learn from a Roman source that their wool could not make 
garments with a soft texture. The combination of seafaring and 
pastoral ism seems likely to have accounted for some features 
of Liburnian society which attracted the attention of ancient 
writers, notably in the first century bc the learned Roman 
Varro, who had first-hand knowledge of the area. There was 



■"Roman expeditions: Appian Illyrikc 8, Livy 39.55 (181 bc); 40.18 and 
26; 41.1—5 and 8-13 '178 bc). Sempronius Tuditanus (note 2 above). 



Illyrit ion 



I 8 



.in unusual licence t<>r Liburnian women and one (.nek writer 
reports that the society was dominated b) women. These were 
the wives ol tin men who would cohabit with their own slaves 
ami with nun ol neighbouring districts. Varro reports the 
sexual freedom permitted to unmarried women and a contem- 
porary describes a communistic system of child-rearing. Libur- 
ni. ins possessed their women in common, it was said, and 
children were reared together until the age of five. When eight 
years old, each male was allotted to a father according to 
physical resemblance. This unusual social order appears to have 
lasted into Roman times, when a kinship group (cognatio) 
descended through the female line appears in a Latin epitaph. 5 
Liburni figure among the peoples with piratical habits named 
by Livy under 301 bc, but it seems to have been a long time 
before the Romans chose to interfere with their activities. Their 
own design of warship, the liburna, with its low freeboard, 
had already been adopted by the Romans during the wars 
against Carthage, in preference to the high-bulwarked galleys. 
The Liburni were affected by the activities of Sempronius Tudit- 
anus in 129 bc:, as wc learn from Pliny {Nil 3.129) that, on a 
monument erected to the general, there was recorded the dis- 
tance 'from Aquileia to the river Titus, 2000 stades' (around 
250 miles). The end of their sea-power, and with that their 
independence, came nearly a century later, when Octavian's 
admiral Agrippa seized their ships in 35 bc. Four years later 
Liburnian ships may have played a major part in the defeat of 
Cleopatra's navy at the decisive battle off Acrium in northwest 
Greece/' 

The principal settlements of the Liburni lay in the south of 
their territory, in the coastal plain around Jader (Zadar), 
between the rivers Tcdanius (Zrmanja) and Titus (Krka). It 
seems that the Liburnian name was only later extended to 
include the smaller settlements along the coast northwards to 
Istria after the fourth century bc. Liburnian possessions also 

5 Pseudo-Scymnus 422 (hospitable), 371 (fertile sheep), Pliny NH 8.191 
(wool), Varro De Re Rustica 2.10, 9 (freedom of women), Pseudo-Scylax 
chap. 21 (dominated by women), Nicolaus of Damascus FGrHist vol. 2A 
p. 384 F103d (rearing of children), Alfoldy 1961, 1963 (cognatio). 

^Panciera 1956 (liburna). 



Roman lllyrians 



from this time included the islands ol the kvarncr, Curictac 
(Krk), Arba (Rah), Apsyrtides (Crcs-l.osinj) and Cissa (I'ai;' . 
By the middle of the first century t« they were losing territory 
to their neighbours on the south, the Delmatae. Over the 
centuries it would appear that the Liburnians, having once 
controlled the Adriatic down to Corfu, were being steadil) 
pushed northwards, probably the result of pressure from new 
Illyrian groups, including the Ardiaei and Delmatae, moving 
towards the Adriatic. The most fully investigated pre-Roman 
settlement is the Beretina gradina at Radovin, 15 miles nor- 
theast of Zadar. The area of the hill-top (205 by 185 m) was 
inhabited more or less continuously through the Iron Age and 
Roman period, being finally abandoned in the sixth century 
AD. In pre-Roman times there were ten rectangular houses 
arranged in a circle around the perimeter. Later these acquired 
tile roofs and other improvements but the overall plan was not 
altered. A large occupation deposit included Greek storage jars, 
some black-glazed ware and some fine pottery from Apulia. 
The ramparts of the settlement were kept in repair throughout, 
with the earlier perimeter of dry-stone walls being mortared in 
Roman times. No trace was found of any monumental or 
public architecture. 7 

The coast and hinterland of central Dalmatia up to and 
beyond the Dinaric mountains was inhabited by the Delmatae, 
after whom the Roman province Dalmatia was named, their 
own name being derived from their principal settlement Delmi- 
nium near Duvno. Beyond the Dinara, Delmatae occupied the 
plains of Livno, Glamoc, and Duvno, and, between the high 
mountains and the coast, the plains of Sin j and Imotski and 
the Cikola and Cetina valleys. Strabo (7.5, 5) describes how 
that mountain, the Adrion, divides their land into two parts, 
one facing towards the sea, the other away from it. Their 
presence on the Adriatic coast may have been the result of a 
southward migration, perhaps caused indirectly by the impact 
of the Celtic migrations on the Pannonian lllyrians. 

M.iburnian settlements: Batovic 1968 (Radovin), 1974 (Jagodnja), 1978 
(Bribir), Mendjusic 1985 (Bribir cemetery), Matcjcic 1968 (Rab cemetery), 
Brusic 1976, 1978 (Sibenik area), Cace 1988 (oppidum on island Murter), 
Chapman and Shiel 1988 (settlement pattern). 



Illvii, inn 



I he evidence of names suggests thai the) were more closely 
linked with the latter than will) the Vcnetic lllyrians or the 
southern lllyrians." 

[Tie first record of the Delmatae informs us that they had 
Once been subject to the Illyrian king l'leuratus but had broken 
away on the accession of Gentius in 181 bc, when they pro- 
vided io attack neighbouring communities, forcing them to 
pay tribute in cattle and corn. In 158 iu: the Greek city of Issa 
complained to her Roman ally that the Delmatae were molest- 
ing their mainland settlements at Tragurium (Trogir) and Epet- 
ium (Stobrec); similar complaints were received from the 
Daorsi, neighbours of the Delmatae on the south, who had 
been rewarded in the settlement of Illyria ten years before. A 
Roman ex-consul, C. Fannius Strabo, was sent to investigate 
and report on affairs in Illyria and in particular on the activities 
of the Delmatae. According to Polybius (32.13) the embassy 
reported that the latter had not only refused them a hearing 
but made no provision for their accommodation and even stole 
the horses they had borrowed for the journey. In fear for their 
lafety they had departed as discreetly as possible. The Senate 
was indignant, but, observes the historian, the decision to send 
an expedition across the Adriatic was a matter of considered 
policy. Illyria had been neglected since the defeat of Demetrius 
m 219 bc and it was high time lllyrians were reminded of 
Roman authority. Moreover, the Senate felt that as 12 years 
of peace had elapsed since the war against Perseus of Macedon 
it was time to rekindle the military ardour of the Romans. These 
were the true causes for the war, but for public consumption it 
was the insult to Roman ambassadors. This was not to be the 
only occasion a Roman army was sent across the Adriatic for 
battle practice. The expedition in 156 bc led by the consul C. 
Marcius Figulus was caught off guard while pitching camp and 
driven back to the river Narenta, having perhaps advanced 
from the territory of the Daorsi. Next the Romans evidently 
marched via the Trebizat valley to Dclminium, but failed to 
catch their enemy unawares and could only set up a blockade 
before winter set in, though some lesser strongholds were taken. 



"Zaninovic 1966, 1967. 



I>>() 



Roman lllyrians 



In the following year the consul P. Cornelius Scipio forced .1 
surrender. The fortifications were destroyed, the place was 
turned into a sheep-pasture and the consul returned home to 
celebrate his triumph over "the Delmatae'." 

The Delmatae were famous for their hill-forts, many ol 
which were occupied from prehistoric to late mediev al times. A 
riverside settlement of the Delmatae on the Cetina near Sin j 
similar to the Japodian and Pannonian examples may be excep- 
tional. Their hill-forts, or gradina, tend to be located on ridges 
overlooking the plains not on the heights but on projecting 
spurs. The neck of the spur was usually well defended but often 
the rest of the perimeter relied on steep slopes and ravines. 
Some figure prominently in accounts of Roman campaigns and 
tend to be described as castella or Oppida, including Andetrium 
(Muc), Bariduum (in the upper Cetina valley), Burnum (on the 
river Krka), Synodium, Ninia (Knin), Osinium (Sinj), Salvia, 
Setovia (in the Cikola valley), Tilurium (Cardun), Neraste, 
I'ituntium, Promona (Teplju), Rider (Danilo), Oneum (Omis) 
and Salona. 10 

Something of the nature and distribution of these places has 
been learned from recent fieldwork in the plain of Duvno, 
which lies at an altitude of 890 to 900 metres and is an oval 
of around 20 by 9 kilometres. The subterranean river Suica 
crosses the plain, of which the central area is marshy except in 
summer, and the fringes are suitable for cultivation. Most 
settlements still follow an ancient pattern of distribution at the 
margins of the plain. The later Roman city, the municipium 
Delminium, lay near Duvno, which remains the modern admin- 
istrative centre. Around the edges of the plain a ring of fortifi- 
cations occupied the lower hills and promontories (see figure 
20). Most were enclosed with a rampart of heaped-up stones 
surmounted with a wooden palisade. Out of a total of 37, the 
majority lie along the southwest and northeast sides of the 
plain, and combine an easily defended location with a good 

''Appian lllyrike II, Strabo 7.5, 5 (Delminium), Zaninovic 1961-2. 

10 Hill-forts of Delmatae: Cace and Juric (Metkovic area), Marovic 1975 
(Salona), Orec 1987 (Posusje), Pctric 1978 (Peljesac), Zaninovic 1968 
(Burnum), 1982 (hill-forts on islands), 1971 (continuing occupation in Roman 
period). 



Illyrii inn 



I'M 



N 




Figure 20 Fortified places around the poljes of Duvno, Uvno and 
Glamoc with lines of iutervisibility 

view over the surrounding terrain. A few have yielded evidence 
for occupation in the Bronze Age but the finds tend to be 
concentrated in the third and second centuries BC. By this period 
there had been created a scheme of defence for the communities 



Koman uiyrians 



in the Duvno area that included ai least eight fortified obser 
vation posts beyond the immediate vicinity of tin- plain. The 
main points of entry were guarded by pans of fortifications 
which can never have functioned as independent strongholds. 
The fortress on the Lib hill nine kilometres from Duvno was 
exceptional in serving as an acropolis for the larger settlement 
on the terraces below. Here was evidently the central place thai 
had reached a stage of proto-urban development and which 
remains the most likely location for Dclminium. In some hill 
forts mounds of stones similar to burial tumuli were raised ai 
a point on the defensive perimeter often, though not always, 
most exposed to attack. Whatever their defensive function, the 
discovery of human bones suggests that their primary purpose 
may have been to serve as burial mounds. The perimeter 
defences of the Duvno plain ceased to function after the Roman 
conquest, although some were occupied piecemeal as refuges 
in late Roman times. 11 

While the Romans were launching their first attacks on the 
Delmarae, we hear little of the southern Illyrians following the 
defeat of Gentius. In 135 bc, Ardiaei and Pleraci are reported 
to have made an attack on 'Roman Illyria' and, on refusing to 
make amends, were the target of an expedition by the consul 
Servius Fulvius Flaccus (Appian Illyrike 10). Something is 
known of the Daorsi, once subject to Gentius bur whose timely 
desertion was rewarded by the Romans. They dwelt on the left 
(south) bank of the Neretva and their principal settlement was 
Osanici, on a steep hill above Stolac in the Bregava valley, 
where coins bearing the Greek legend DAORS have been found.' 
Excavations from the 1 960s have revealed a complex succession 
of defensive constructions and associated buildings. The earliest 
was a straight wall across the most exposed side of the hill 
around 60 metres long and built of coursed masonry with 
blocks around 2 by 1 metre (see figure 21a). Later this was 
strengthened by two square towers (c.10 m), involving demo- 
lition of part of the wall and the construction of a covered 
entrance passage 4.5 metres wide (see figure 21b). The main 

" Benac 1975a, 1985, Govedarica 1980-1 (Veliki Gradac), 1982, Bojanov- 
ski I 975 (Dclminium), Marijan 1985-6 (communal grave near Livno), Milo- 
sevic 1986 (2nd century itc hoards of iron tools from Dclmatac). 



Illyricum 193 




Figure 2 1 a) Wall masonry at Osanici, Hercegovina 
b) Gale at Osanici 



path leading to the inner acropolis ran along the south side of 
the hill and was terraced and stepped into the rock at several 
places. Inside there was a cistern I 1 by 7 metres cut 2.70 metres 
into the rock and lined with fine plaster. The final elaboration 
consisted of an outer defence on the east in the form of a 'zig- 
zag' wall and several short lengths of curved wall in a similar 
'zig-zag' arrangement. The central area is dominated by a 
mound of stones, in which traces of retaining walls have been 
dated to the fifth century bc: and may represent the earliest 
phase construction on the site. The wall, towers and entrance 



Roman lllyriant 



on the easi are assigned to the fourth century b< , partly from 
a comparison with fortifications in Albania. The settlement 
appears to have been destroyed in the first century bc and was 
not reoccupied.' 2 

The finds from Osanici, which include imported pottery, are 
dated from the fourth to second centuries bc. In spite of exten- 
sive investigation almost no trace was discovered of internal 
arrangements or domestic buildings. Some evidence for the 
economy of the settlement came to light in 1977 with the 
discovery of a remarkable hoard of 245 metal objects of bronze 
and iron weighing in all 345 kilograms, hidden in the crevice 
of a nearby cliff. The inventory includes moulds for bronze 
ornaments, for metal relief plates and for reliefs in silvered tin; 
there are also moulds for making bronze pails and dishes, an 
iron anvil, cutters, chisels, hammers and punches, compasses 
and some unused bronze plates (see figure 22). For making fine 
jewellery there are silver wire for soldering, a small anvil, a 
soldering tool and jewellery scales, along with several un worked 
or half-finished pieces of glass. The blacksmith's tools include 
tongs, hammers, wide metal cutters, clamps, adzes and pick- 
axes. For wire-making there are iron plates with holes of differ- 
ent diameter for drawing wire along and clamps for use in the 
process. Carpentry is represented by chisels, knives and calipers. 
This cache of tools, which must have come from workshops in 
or near Osanici, indicates the range of specialist skills carried 
on at the chief settlement of the Daorsi. The deposit has been 
dated to the second century bc: and was likely made in the face 
of some danger, although a few objects date from an earlier 
period, notably the bronze moulds of around 300 and 200 bc, 
a jewel box of around 300 bc and a bronze pail of the fourth 
or third century. The key evidence for the date of deposition 
are the silver-wire brooches that match those in the warrior 
burials at Gostilj near the Lake of Shkoder of the first half of 
the second century no 13 

Nearly 40 years passed before the next Roman attack on the 
Delmatae, but the motives, according to Appian, were no less 

12 Osani.fi: Marie 1976, 1979a-c, Marijanovic 1984, Marie 1975b (fortified 
settlements). 

"Marie" 1978, I979d (belt-plate.s), 1979c (bronze moulds). 



Illyricum 




l-igure 22 Bronze-casting mould from Osanici 

dubious. In 1 18 bc the consul of the previous year, L. Caecilius 
Mctellus, led an expedition against them for which he was 
awarded a triumph and the title Delmaticus. War was declared, 
we learn, not because the Delmatae had done anything wrong 
but merely in order to procure another triumph for the Metelli 
family. In the event 'they received him as a friend and he 
wintered among them in the town of Salona, following which 
he returned to Rome and was awarded a triumph' (Appian 
lllyrike 7), although other versions suggest that this may not 
be the whole story. The next reported campaign was altogether 



196 



H iiiiun lllyrians 



a more serious business, although little is known <>t it except 
that the proconsul C. Cosconius, probably in the years 78 to 
76 BC, overcame most of the Delmatae in a two-year campaign 
which concluded with the capture of Salona. From .58 to SO 
Be: the Delmatae were in the charge of Julius Caesar, proconsul 
of Gaul and also of Illyricum, though the commander was able 
to give little attention ro his Adriatic responsibilities. During the 
subsequent civil war between Caesar and Pompey the Delmatae 
supported the latter, in opposition to the communities of 
Roman settlers at Salona, Narona and elsewhere, who remained 
loyal to the party of Caesar. Late in 48 bc the Delmatae 
ambushed a Caesarian army of 15 infantry cohorts and 3000 
cavalry under the ex-consul A. Gabinius at Synodion, probably 
somewhere in the Cikola valley. Five cohorts were overwhelmed 
and their standards captured. Gabinius reached Salona but was 
so short of supplies that he had to plunder them from the 
Delmatae, leading to further losses. Roman proconsuls con- 
tinued to engage the Delmatae after Caesar's victory over Pom- 
pey. In 45-44 bc P. Vatinius wrote from Narona more than 
once to Cicero pleading the great man's help in securing his 
triumph. He complains that there were not merely 20 oppida 
as was generally believed but nearer 60. In the end Vatinius 
obtained his triumph, celebrated on 31 July 42 bc:. The Delma- 
tae were still proving troublesome and it may be that C. Asinius 
Pollio, leading politician and patron of the poet Virgil, achieved 
some success against them when, during his consulship in 40 
bc, he moved his forces down the Adriatic from northern Italy 
to Macedonia. 14 

After eliminating the disruptive power of Sex. Pompeius in 
Sicily in 36 bc, Caesar's heir Octavian devoted the following 
years to operations across the Adriatic, first in 35 bc: against 
the Japodes and Pannonians then, in 34-33 bc, against the 
Delmatae. Not only had they remained in arms since the depar- 
ture of Vatinius ten years before, but they still held the five 
Roman standards seized from Gabinius' army in 48 bc. We 
can follow the course of the campaign from the commander's 
own report, preserved by Appian. First the army moved against 



14 Morgan 1971 (Mctcllus), Wilkes 1969. 



Illvii, urn 



Promotu, when- the war-leadei Vei/o had stationed most ot 
lus arm) ol 12,000 nun. After some lighting the citadel was 
taken, Verzo killed and the Delmatae ordered to disperse by 
his successor Tcstimus, while the Romans attacked against 
strongholds. The army advanced up the Cikola valley, where 
Gabinius had lost the standards at Synodion. In a battle at 
Setovia (probably the Sutina gorge) Octavian was wounded 
and left the scene, handing over command to Statilius Taurus, 
who organized a winter blockade that brought some of the 
Delmatae to capitulate. Early in 33 bc: Octavian returned to 
receive their surrender, along with the standards of Gabinius, 
some booty and a promise to pay the arrears of tribute unpaid 
since Caesar's time. Though other peoples of the region were 
involved in the surrender it was the victory over the Delmatae 
that justified one of the three triumphs celebrated by Octavian, 
on 13 August 29 bc, followed on successive days by those 
granted for the Actium campaign of 31 bc and the Egyptian 
campaign of 30 bc. This happens to be the last explicit record 
of Delmatae at war with the Romans, though the victory of 
Octavian in 33 bc is unlikely to have embraced the whole 
people. In what became known as the Dalmatian war of ad 9 
Bato, leader of the Pannonian lllyrians, was trapped in the 
fortress of Andetrium (Muc) barely 20 miles inland from Split. 
By then, however, the name of the Delmatae had begun to be 
applied to the area between the Adriatic and the Sava valley, 
as the Roman province Dalmatia was established. I S 

The Japodes, who dwelt north of the Delmatae and behind 
the Liburni, arc generally described as lllyrians. Hccataeus in 
the sixth century bc: knew of them and they retained a separate 
identity into Roman times. On the north and west they bor- 
dered the Carni and Histri and on the north the Celtic Taurisci 
beyond the upper Sava. In the west they were later confined 
by the Velebit range, and their southern boundary was the river 
Tedanius (Zrmanja), where they bordered the Liburni. Within 
these limits the Japodes inhabited the Lika plain and the Una 
valley around Bihac in western Bosnia. Before the second cen- 



Schmitthenner 1958, Wilkes 1969, Mirkovic 1969. 



I'»S 



Ron. in lllyrians 



tury b< they may also have held the coast between Istria and 
the Tedanius, later occupied by the Liburni. Strabo has some 
interesting observations- on the Japodes: 

Next in order comes the voyage of one thousand stades [c. 125 miles | 
along the coast of the land of the Japodes. They are situated on 
Mount Albion [probably the Velebit range], the last mountain of tin- 
Alps, which is very high and reaches down to the interior on one 
side and to the Adriatic on the other. They are indeed a war-cra/.y 
people but have been utterly worn down by Augustus. Their cities 
are Metulum, Arupium, Monetium and |A]vendo. Their lands arc- 
poor, the people living for the most part on spelt and millet. Their 
armour is Celtic but they are tattooed like the rest of the lllyrians 
and Thracians. (7.5, 4) 

Strabo's 'Celtic element' has proved hard to detect in the rich 
material culture of the Japodes, while Celtic names on inscrip- 
tions need not, it appears, be connected with their 'Celtic- 
Illyrian' character. Some major settlements and associated cem- 
eteries of the Japodes have been examined in the northern Lika, 
at Crkvina, Kompolje near Otocac and Vital near I'rozor, which 
have been identified respectively as Avendo of the Avendeatae 
and Arupium of the Arupini, both of which were attacked by 
Octavian in 35 bc. Across the Kapela mountains the Japodes 
are known from riverside settlements and cemeteries in the Una 
valley around Bihac, but not those in the Sana valley, which 
belonged to the I'annonian Maezaei."' 

The most intriguing relics of the Japodes are the 15 or so 
engraved stone cremation chests whose figured decoration and 
date arc still a matter of debate. The first to be found was the 
fragment from Jcsenice in 1890, on which the engraving of a 
helmeted warrior holding a drinking horn in his right hand 
and a spear in the other was dated to the period of transition 
from the Early to Late Iron Ages (c.450-400 bc). Later finds 
of Japodian burial urns, as they are generally known, include 
several intact examples with engraved scenes on the inner and 



"■Rapanic 1975 (I.ika in general), Drechsler-Bizic 1966, 1971 (Kompolje), 
1970 (Trosmarija), 1975c (fortified settlements), 1986 (houses), 1988 (Prozor 
cemetery), Kurz 1967a (economy), 1967b (ethnic identity). 



Illyii, inn 



|99 



OUtei surfaces see figure H). I In repertoire ol figured scenes 
relates t<> funeral ritual and the cult ol the deceased and includes 
processions, some ol mounted warriors, and dances. I he 
departed souls are represented by serpents in scenes where 
libations are poured to the memory of the departed, some of 
whom are portrayed in the manner of a classical hero. Some 





Figure 23 Incised scenes of warriors drinking and funeral dancers on 
a Japodian burial-chest from Ribic, Bosnia 



Roman lllyrians 



have observed a correspondence between the imagery t>! the 
Japodian urns and that of the 'Simla Culture' in the northwest, 
for example, the scene of a bird perched on the hack of a 
bullock. Most are agreed that the decoration of the urns belongs 
to a time when the Japodes of the Una valley were in close 
contact with the cultures of northeast Italy, and the majority 
should thus be dated to the fifth or fourth century bc. Compli- 
cations arose when the Sarajevo archaeologist Dimitri Sergejev- 
ski suggested that one of the urns (from Ribic) belonged to the 
Roman period, while another (from Jeserine) had a second- 
century Latin epitaph inscribed on one surface. The Ribic 
example can be explained as a secondary use and a Roman 
date for the collection as a whole must be ruled out, if only 
because of the generally Greek - and at that tending to archaic 
Greek - rendering of the scenes. There have been attempts to 
distinguish an early group of urns, whose ornament echoes 
Situla art, from a second, slightly later group, in which Greek 
influence is stronger. A third group believed to exhibit minimal 
influence from either of the above sources is viewed as a later 
degeneration of Japodian art. In this group are those with Latin 
epitaphs of the Roman period (first to second century ad). 
Continuity in a local tradition of engraved ornament is to be 
seen on other monuments of the Roman period, including altars 
dedicated by chiefs of the Japodes at the shrine of Hindus 
Neptunus at a spring near Bihac (see figure 30). 

The first reported contact between Japodes and Romans 
occurred in 171 bc, when the Senate apologized to them and 
other peoples for the scandalous conduct of the consul Cassius 
Longinus. In 129 bc: they were attacked by the consul G. 
Sempronius Tuditanus who, in the course of a hastily prepared 
campaign, was saved from disaster only by the experienced 
general D. Junius Brutus; however, he was safely back in Rome 
to celebrate a triumph over the Japodes on 1 October. Situated 
south of the main route between Italy and the Danube, the 
Japodes figure little in the Roman conquest of Illyricum. There 
was an attack on them in the seventies bc by a certain P. 



|T Raunig 1971b, 1972, 1975, Vasic 1967, 1977-8 (Japodian urns) , R cn dic- 
Mioccvic 1982, Saric 1975b, 1983-4 (I.ika urns). 



Illvin inn 



201 



l u Minis, an incident recalled fur Ins being deceived by their 
pretence <>l a retreat. The hest reported episode is the march 
ol Octavian through their country in 35 BC Starting probably 
Ironi Senia (Sen)) on the coast, the army crossed the Velebit by 
(he Vratnik pass and attacked the 'Cisalpine' Japodes of the 
I.ika plain. The inhabitants of Monetium (Brinjc) and Avcndo 
i near Otocac) surrendered at their approach, but the Arupini 
of Arupium (on the Vital hill near Prozor) held out for a 
while, then scattered into the forests. After surrender they were 
allowed to retain their strongholds intact. Next a crossing 
of the Albius (Kapela) brought the invaders up against the 
'Transalpine' Japodes. The fortress of Terponus (Gornje 
Modrus) was soon captured, but Metulum (perhaps Vincica 
near Ogulin) was a different proposition. Here the defenders 
made effective use of Roman siege equipment captured from a 
Roman army which had attempted an impossible overland 
march from Italy to Macedonia during the civil war in 43 bc:. 
When eventually captured, Metulum, the greatest settlement of 
the area, was destroyed by fire. This was the first occasion 
when these Japodes surrendered to the Romans: it is also the 
end of the recorded history of the Japodes. 18 

By the second century bc the eastern Alps and the plains 
between the river Drava and the Danube were populated by 
Celtic-speaking peoples, represented by names on epitaphs of 
the Roman era. South of the river Drava, in the Sava valley 
and its Bosnian tributaries as far south as the Ardiaei and 
Delmatac, dwelt the Pannonians, Strabo tells us (7.5, 3). Their 
names have much in common with the southern lllyrians, the 
Delmatae and the Japodes to their south and west. East of 
the Pannonians the Scordisci have an Illyrian name perhaps 
connected with the inons Scordus or Scardus (Sar planina west 
of Skopje). Their recorded history begins in 279 bc when, 
according to Appian (Illyrike 5), the survivors from the Celtic 
bands defeated at Delphi returned north to settle around the 
lower Sava and Drava and adopted the name Scordisci. Nothing 
further is reported of them until 179 bc, when they are cited 



18 I .ivy Epitome 59 (Junius Brutus), Julius Frontinus, Strategemata 2.5, 28 
(Licinius), Appian Illyrike 16-20 (Octavianus), Schmitthcnncr 1958. 



Roman llfyrians 



army sent to punish their sirriU,. , 7 . " Roman 
to the Dacians '» 8 5 " d later tlie - v wcre sub ject 

assays 

strengthened with ero™ end ^ 'u'T defc "" s 

sunken ^ ^ a d^S 

The Romans hrst came into contact with Pannonfam from 



"Papazoglu 1978. 

a* ■** 

Cupriia), 1971 (Karaburma), Fn 2 v id i 96 1 7 "\ ^ ^ (RoS P' 
R.topek warrior-grave); GomZ" P w^™? !^~ 4 

(Dacan pottery), jovanovic and Jov;in ^ ,c * 4 ;.J? va ««vc 1977-8 
Crnobmja 198.} (minimi), 1' P OD o™v 1987 1 (*"fe"*m); coinage: 

"981b (astragalus belts) P I** 7 , Jovanov.c 1973-4 (art), Boi.c 



20.) 



SKdJ^I^^*^ f M-cedonia. although 

1 Scordtsci. Pannonians do not figure in the rnigra ion of 

as ■" as the Scordisc and then west to the Taurisci of the 
eastern Alps, where, a, Noreia in Carinthia, the eon ed 

he annonians of Bosnia and western Serbia exhibit no 
• <»^ne<H,s or distinctive material culture. ThT general 

Away from the broad valleys the typical Pannonian settle 
«PP-« » Lave been the hill-top' fortress encfosed by t 



21 Mdcsy 1974. 



204 



Roman lllyriam 



stone wall and wooden palisade, many firsi occupied and forti- 
fied in the Bronze Age. A settlemeni ol this type has been partly 
excavated at Pod near Bugojno, in southwest Bosnia, on a 
terrace around 40 metres above a tributary of the Vrbas. The 
plateau was first occupied in the Bronze Age but was then 
deserted for around four centuries until the early Iron Age (c. 
700 bc). The plateau of around 150 by 1 00 metres was enclosed 
by an earth rampart to which a stone wall was added in the 
second half of the fourth century. At least 16 levels indicate a 
continuous occupation down to the end of the first millenium 
bc. The interior was traversed by two principal streets at right 
angles. Excavation in the northwest and southwest quarters 
revealed a regular arrangement of rectangular houses within a 
grid of streets or alleys. This remained unaltered throughout 
the life of the settlement, the only noteworthy alteration (sixth 
century bc) being the removal of part of a house adjoining the 
main intersection to leave an open area around six metres 
square. Each house contained up to three hearths and several 
ovens or furnaces. Large amounts of iron slag and of bronze 
and iron waste, along with clay moulds and crucibles, indicate 
the manufacture of weapons, domestic implements, vessels and 
jewellery in bronze and iron, including also implements for 
cloth-making. Much of the local metalwork seems to have been 
influenced in form and ornament by imports from southern 
and central Italy. Commerce with those areas was indicated by 
the presence of bronze and pottery vessels. The settlement at 
Pod was no ordinary hill-fort. In spite of its small area the 
place had a distinctly urban character, while the evidence for 
metal-working suggests a central place in the economy of Pan- 
nonians along the Vrbas valley. South of the hill a suburban 
settlement grew up to cover more than 1000 square metres. 
When the hill-fort came to be abandoned in the Roman period 
this became the principal settlement; it flourished into late 
Roman and medieval times, with an early Christian basilica 
and associated cemetery being succeeded by an even larger 
medieval burial ground. A similar fortified settlement, with a 
long occupation continuing into Roman times, existed on the 
Debelo brdo hill near Sarajevo. 22 



Covic 1975b (Bugojno). 



Illyn, inn 



In eastern Bosnia the use ol ihc Glasinac plateau for burials 
throughout mosi <>l the firsi millenium b< suggests a continuity 
of population, possibly the Autariatae, who may have been 
ancestors ol the historical Daesitiatcs ami Pirustae. In the Glasi- 
nac area, that is between the Romanija hills and the middle 
Drina, a total of 47 fortified places has been identified. Twenty- 
seven of these lie on the Glasinac plateau itself, one for each 
10 square kilometres of the 270 square kilometre area. For 
most of these places no dating evidence is available, although 
they are likely to belong to the pre-Roman Iron Age with some 
being occupied already in the Bronze Age. An early deduction 
that the regular disposition of fortified places on Glasinac 
reflects a concerted scheme of defence implies that most of 
them were in use at the same period. What remains uncertain 
is whether or not they were fortified settlements or merely 
strongholds for use in times of danger. In the matter of size, 
38 have dimensions ranging between 30 and 90 metres (most 
50 to 60 m), four are between 90 and 150 metres diameter 
and two no more than 20 to .30 metres across, hardly more 
than fortified blockhouses. Two exceptionally large enclosures 
(Komina near Parizcvici and llijak near Konovici) were major 
strongholds more than 200 metres across with areas of 15 to 
17,000 square metres. Only a few of the enclosures are not 
round (18) or oval (9) in plan. Most are enclosed with a 
single stone or srone-and-earrh wall, 2.5 to 5 metres thick and 
reaching heights of 2 to 4 metres. One or two have traces of 
double ramparts and some have one or more towers protecting 
single entrances. 2 * 

As we have seen, I'annonians do not figure prominently in 
the historical record of the second and first centuries bc. Unlike 
Celts or Dacians, they seem to have lacked any instinct for 
cohesion or obedience to a common authority. As Appian 
(borrowing from Caesar Octavianus) puts it: 

Pannonia is a wooded country extending from the Japodes to the 
Dardani. They do not live in cities but in the countryside or in villages 
related by kinship. They do not assemble together for any common 
council nor arc there any with authority over all of them. In time of 



"Covic 1975a (Glasinac hill-forts). 



206 



Roman lllyriant 



battle their combined strength amounts t<> <>iu- hundred thousand; 
but they never join up together <>n account <>t .1 lack ol any central 
authority. [Illyrike 22) 

This first account of Pannonians is derived from Octavian's 
report of his expedition in 35 bc. Having already overcome the 
Japodes the army entered the Colapis (Kulpa) valley and 
marched through Pannonian territory for eight days to Segesta 
at the confluence with the Sava. When the natives showed no 
disposition to surrender, orders were given to devastate villages 
and fields. The town stood in the angle of the rivers and was 
further protected by fortifications, where a Roman army later 
excavated a canal so that it was protected by water on all sides. 
The capture of Segesta is described at length. Octavian asserted 
that the ships he had ordered to be built were not for the 
purpose of attacking the place but for use against Dacians and 
Bastamae. He requested that he might use the place in order 
to further this project, but though the rulers agreed the common 
people shut the gates and he was compelled to storm it. Another 
version has it that, though the people had caused no offence, 
Octavian wanted to give his soldiers battle practice against a 
foreign people. In the event, Octavian's ships, which had been 
obtained from unnamed "allies in the vicinity', were seen off by 
the Segestani in an action which cost the life of the experienced 
admiral Menodorus (Menas). The Romans captured the place 
after 30 days and, leaving a garrison of 25 cohorts in a walled- 
off part of the town, Octavian and his army returned to Italy. 
After the taking of Segesta, the later Siscia, nothing is reported 
of the Pannonians for 20 years. By then the Romans had fought 
another civil war and Octavian ruled the world as the emperor 
Augustus. 24 

The emperor recorded his conquest of the Pannonians in his 
Res Gestae or Summary of Achievements (chapter 30): 
Through Tiberius Nero, then my stepson and legate, 1 brought 
under Roman authority Pannonian peoples which no Roman 
army had approached before I became princeps and advanced 
the boundaries of Illyricum to the bank of the Danube.' This 

24 Schmitthenner 1958, Dukat and Mirnik 1983-4 (Roman gold coin of 
42 bc from near Siscia). 



Illvih inn 



1 1. inn was based not on the expedition ol \S B< but the Pannon- 
ian War, which lasted altogether from 14 to .X b< . In the firsi 
two seasons Roman armies ad\aiucd eastwards down the Sava 
and Drava valleys. In 12 B< Tiberius, the later emperor, over- 
came the Breuci with help from the Scordisci, recently acquired 
allies of the Romans. Three further years of fighting probably 
brought the submission of the rest of the Pannonians. The war 
was a savage affair and the main resistance to the Romans 
came from the Breuci and Amantini in the Sava valley. The 
young males were rounded up and sold as slaves in Italy, a 
quite exceptional action even for the Romans. Fifteen years later 
.1 new generation of Pannonians rebelled against the injustice of 
Roman rule and brought on the worst crisis faced by the 
Romans since the war against Hannibal. The rising began 
among the Daesitiates of central Bosnia under their leader Bato 
but they were soon joined by the Breuci. The four-year war 
w hich lasted from ad 6 to 9 saw huge concentrations of Roman 
forces in the area (on one occasion ten legions and their auxili- 
aries in a single camp), with whole armies operating across the 
western Balkans and fighting on more than one front. On 3 
August ad 8 the Pannonians of the Sava valley surrendered, 
but it took another winter blockade and a season of fighting 
before the surrender of the Daesitiates came in ad 9, 'after the 
loss of many men and immense wealth; for ever so many 
legions were maintained for this campaign but very little booty 
was taken' (Cassius Dio 56.16). All III yrians were now subject 
to Roman rule. In the reign of Nero (al> 54-68) the ancient 
city of Aphrodisias in Asia Minor celebrated the victories of 
the Caesars with a monument incorporating figured reliefs 
depicting the imperial triumphs over individual peoples. Among 
the several Itlyrian groups singled out were Japodes, Dardani- 
ans, Pannonian Andizetes and Pirustae. 25 



Pax Romana 



No Ulyrian resistance is known to Roman rule after ad 9, less 
an indication of native compliance than of the state of human 



M M6csy 1974, Anamali 1987, Smith 1988 (Aphrodisias). 



208 



Roman lllyrians 



exhaustion to which tin- lllyri.ui I. mils h.ul been reduced. Until 
the collapse of the northern frontiers tour centuries later lllvri 
ans remained part of the Roman Empire. Many years passed 
before any signs appear of an Illyrian participation in the 
Roman state to match those of the Celtic and Iberian peoples 
in the west. Roman organization of the llly rians for a long time 
reflected the strategic priority of keeping control of the overland 
routes between Italy and the east, at first the Via Egnatia and 
later the great Balkan highway along the Sava valley. 26 

Roman treatment of the lllyrians south of the Drin had 
reached a brutal climax following the victory over Macedonia 
in 168 bc:. In attacks by the Roman army on Macedonian allies 
in northern Epirus (Molossians) and lllyris, 70 communities 
were destroyed, 150,000 of the population enslaved and the 
countryside devastated. The effects of this lasted well into the 
Roman period and are reflected in the meagre remains from 
the region of that era. A century and a half later Strabo records 
the state of the region: 'Now although in those earlier times, 
as I have described, all Epirus and lllyris were rugged and full 
of mountains, such as Tomarus and Polyanus and several 
others, they had an abundance of population; but at the present 
time desolation prevails in most parts, while in the areas still 
inhabited they survive only in villages and among the ruins' 
(7.7, 9). As we have seen, similar atrocities accompanied the 
imposition of Roman rule on other lllyrians in the course of 
the century that followed. 27 

By the middle of the first century the Romans were using 
the name Illyricum for their Adriatic territories north of the 
Drin, south of which the province Macedonia began. When the 
command of Gaul and Illyricum was assigned to Julius Caesar 
in 59 bc some form of administration for the area appears to 
have been based on Narona (Vid) near the mouth of the 
Neretva, the starting point for campaigns against the Delmatac. 
More recently the Romans had gained possession of Salona, 
near modern Split, which may have finally secured Roman 
control of the coast between Istria and Macedonia. By this time 



Wilkes 1969. 

Livy 45.33, Hammond and Walbank 1988, 567 (suggesting Penestaej. 



Illyiii urn 



209 



numbers <>t Roman scttlris were becoming established along 
the Dalmatian coast, .is traders and farmers, though contacts 
with the native peoples, in p ut kiiI.ii tin- Delmatac, were often 
nol friendly. We learn in the time of Caesar that Narona had 
become a nourishing centre of commerce: Cicero had traced 
one of his runaway slaves to the place, but his friend the Roman 
governor could only report (1 1 July 45 bc) the fugitive's escape 
to the Illyrian Ardiaei (Cicero, Letters to Friends 5.9). The 
existence of Illyricum as a separate command is confirmed 
by the succession of proconsuls during the decade following 
( aesar's administration, but the northern Adriatic, including 
the Liburni, seems to have been regarded as an extension of 
( isalpinc Caul (Po valley). The attraction of Illyricum north of 
the Drina to the west, while the most southerly of the lllyrians, 
in the province of Macedonia, adhered to the east, is revealed 
in the division of the Roman world made by Octavian and 
Antony at Brundisium in 40 bc. When the latter received the 
c ast and the former the west the point of division was fixed at 
Scodra. Almost immediately the architect of this pact, the 
consul Asinius Pollio, was ordered by Antony to attack the 
Illyrian Parthini in the Shkumbin valley. 28 

Following the conquest of the Pannonians in 1 4—8 bc, Illyr- 
icum was put in the charge of Caesar Augustus. The boundary 
with Italy was fixed at the river Arsia (Rasa) in eastern Istria, 
thus placing the I.iburnians in the new province but leaving the 
Vencti and Histri in the Tenth Region of Italy. The loss of 
privileges by some native communities in the northern Adriatic 
as the result of this demotion to provincial status may have 
been offset by grants of 'Italian status' to selected groups among 
the I.iburnians. When the Pannonians finally surrendered in ad 
9 the huge command of Illyricum which under Tiberius Caesar 
had contained two consular Roman armies was divided along 
the southern confines of the Sava valley between Dalmatia and 
Pannonia, an arrangement that was to remain unaltered for the 
next three centuries. As far as we can tell the eastern boundary 
of Illyricum ran from somewhere on the lower Sava west of 
Belgrade down to the Scardus mons (Sar planina) west of 



-"Wilkes 1969, Deniaux 1988 (Cicero's connections in lllyris). 



2HI 



Roman lllyrians 



Skopje. Though us line is far hum certain there seems little 
doubt iluu mosi of the Dardanians were excluded from lllyr- 
icum and were to become .1 pari of the province of Moesia 
organized in the reign of Claudius, (ad 4 1—54). After the defeat 
of die Scordisci early in the first century bc; the Dardanians 
appear as troublesome neighbours of Roman Macedonia, and 
in the seventies the Roman army waged war against them with 
exceptional cruelty. Their final submission to the Romans may- 
have occurred when .Macedonia was in the charge of Antony 
(40—31 bc), though any record of that achievement is likely to 
have been suppressed by his rival Octavian. When established 
under Claudius, the province of Moesia extended from the 
Skopje basin in the upper Vardar on the south to the Danube 
above and below the Iron Gate in the north. 29 

Although Illyricum continued to be employed as a geographi- 
cal and later a political regional expression, it did not reappear 
as an administrative term until Diocletian's reorganization at 
the end of the third century ad. Then the Illyrian areas of 
Pannonia were included in the new provinces of Savia, in the 
southwest, and Pannonia Secunda, in the southeast. Dalmatia 
was unaltered, except for the interesting separation of the area 
around the Lake of Shkoder - corresponding to the old Illyrian 
kingdom - to form the new province Praevalitana based on the 
Illyrian towns of Scodra, Lissus and Doclca. While Dalmatia 
and the Pannonian provinces were grouped in a Diocese of 
the Pannonias, later Illyricum, Praevalitana was placed in the 
Diocese of the Moesias on the east. Here the old name of 
Dardania appears as a new province formed out of Moesia, 
along with Moesia Prima, Dacia (not Trajan's old province but 
a new formation by Aurelian), Kpirus Nova, Epirus Verus, 
Macedonia, Thessalia and Achaea. The "New Epirus', formed 
out of the earlier Macedonia, corresponded to the old Illy ris, 
centered on Dyrrhachium and Apollonia. One may even see in 
these arrangements something of the lasting ties of places and 
peoples which had once held together the monarchies of Mace- 
donia and Illyria being understood in the changes made by that 



z " Cassius Dio 54.34, Pliny \'H 3.139 (Italian status), Mcksy 1974 (Illyricum 
and Moesia). 



Illyrii ion 



.•II 



most perceptive ol Roman emperors, Once put back on the 
map Illyricum Incomes a familiar name in the history ol the 
fourth century \i>. The great field armies which emerged in the 
long reign of Constantine I (ad 306-337) were soon established 
as regional forces commanded by counts (comites) and marshals 
(m.ii;i>tri). The Praetorian Prefects, now the permanent secretar- 
ies of the imperial administration, were similarly identified. 
Under Constantine the Dioceses of the the Pannonias, the 
Moesias and Dacias were united under the Prefecture of Illyr- 
icum, an arrangement which continued with few changes until 
the division of the Kmpire between the sons of Thcodosius I in 
ad 395. ,0 

By the end of the first century ad the attention of Roman 
armies in Illyricum had turned away from the Pannonians to 
watch the free peoples beyond the river Danube, now defined 
as the northern frontier of the Empire. Until this change came 
about the ex-consuls appointed to administer the Illyrian prov- 
inces were experienced commanders who were often retained 
in their posts for several years. Taxation was always one of 
the harshest features of Roman rule and was the responsibility 
of an imperial agent [procurator Augusti) who, until the Flavian 
period, remained responsible for Dalmatia and Pannonia tog- 
ether. Indirect taxes, customs, sales, slave-manumissions, etc., 
were the responsibility of various tax bureaux staffed by 
imperial slaves and frecdmen. Most of the Danube lands 
belonged to the tax district ol Illyricum {Publicum portorii 
lllyrui) controlled from Poetovio (Ptuj on the Drava) in Pan- 
nonia." 

The legions that conquered the lllyrians belonged to a new 
professional Roman army created by Augustus during the years 
following Actium, each recruit serving for a fixed term later 
standardized at 25 years with an assured reward on completion 
of service. Each legion consisted of more than 5000 infan- 
trymen, all heavily armed and highly trained Roman citizens. 
Seven were based in the Illyrian provinces, three in Pannonia 
and two each in Dalmatia and Moesia. These formidable troops 



*"V. Popovic 1984 (Praevalitana and Epirus Nova). 
"Sascl 1989. 



212 



Roman Ufyriam 



were accompanied by auxiliary cavalry and infantry, originally 
ethnic units from various provinces <>l the Empire, lor whom 
a similar term of service was rewarded with the Roman citizen- 
ship. These were more mobile and flexible than the legions and 
were often deployed at major road junctions with the job of 
keeping watch on natives in the area. 12 

Effective control over Illyrians in their forests and glens was 
achieved by that most distinctive of Roman devices, the great 
military road. The first was the famous Via Egnatia constructed 
across the new province of Macedonia from Dyrrhachium to 
Thessalonica in the late 140s bc under the proconsul Gn. 
Egnatius. This was marked with milestones for a distance of 
535 miles as far as the border between Macedonia and Thrace 
at the river Hebrus (Maritza). Until the more northerly route 
across Illyricum was opened under Augustus the Via Egnatia 
was Rome's principal link with her empire in the east, and 
along it were fought the civil wars which destroyed the Republic 
and brought the rule of emperors. After the defeat of the 
Pannonians in ad 9 several roads were constructed across the 
Dinaric ranges, an enormous achievement of engineering, not 
yet matched in modern times, though doubtless carried through 
with the labour of enslaved natives. Five were completed, two 
in ad 17 and three in ad 20, and all commencing at Salona, 
from which the new province Dalmatia was administered. At 
the same time the Pannonian legions were at work on the 
Pannonian highway between Italy and the middle Danube, 
although under conditions which caused them to mutiny in ad 
14. The second instrument used by the Romans for consolidat- 
ing their conquered territories was the colonial settlement of 
Romans on lands confiscated from the natives. Refined in the 
Italian peninsula, the institution was soon being employed 
successfully in overseas territories such as Gaul, Spain and 
Africa. In the late Republic, colonies, in Italy and overseas, 
became a device used by leading commanders to reward their 
veterans, a system later perfected by Augustus and his suc- 
cessors. In Illyrian Macedonia, colonies were settled at Byllis 



Mocsy 1974 (Pannonia and Moesia), Wilkes 1969 (Dalmatia). 



Illyrh inn 



and Dyrrhachium (see figures 2-1. i and 24b)during the civil 
wars. On the Dalmatian coasi several existing Roman settle- 
ments appear to have been strengthened and organized as 
colonies, including Salona, Narona and Kpidaurum, Jader and 
Senia. On the coast of Istria colonies were settled at Pola, 
I ergeste and Parcntium. The list of Roman settlements includes 
some of the old centres of the Illyrian kingdom, Risinium 
(Rhizon), Acruvium, Butua (Bouthoe), Olcinium, Scodra and 
I issus. At first most of these places were dominated by families 
of settler origin, but within two or three generations there are 
signs of native Illyrians among the municipal aristocracies. A 
later generation of Roman colonies, often established at or 
near the sites of vacated legionary bases, were intended to 
accommodate the veterans discharged from legionary service. 
Such new cities included Emona, Savaria and Poetovio on the 
Pannonian highroad, Siscia and Sirmium at either end of the 
Sava valley, Acquum among the Delmatac in Dalmatia and 
Scupi (Skopje) among the Dardani in Moesia. !t 

Though its beginnings were marked by atrocity, Roman rule 
in the longer term turned out to be no more harsh than that 
experienced by other communities of a similar character else- 
where in the Empire. There was no deep source of spiritual 
resistance such as that which led to the defeat and subsequent 
dispersal of the Jews two generations later. Yet there was little 
prospect of the Romans being able to welcome a reconciled 
native aristocracy into the ruling order of their empire, as 
appeared to be the case in Gaul and Spain. Here, when some 
of the tribal leaders had been seduced into joining an abortive 
rising, a Roman commander put before them the case for 
Roman rule: 'Stability between nations cannot be maintained 
without armies, nor armies without pay, nor pay without tax- 
ation. Everything is shared equally between us. You often 
command our legions in person, and in person govern these 
and other provinces. There is no question of segregation or 

u §ascl 1977c (military roads); Via Egnatia: Hammond 1972, 1974b, Wal- 
bank 1977, Ccka and Papajani 1971 (Shkumbin valley), Janakicvski 1976 
(west of Heraclea), Bojanovski 1974, 1978 (Dalmatia), Nikic 198.? (Livno, 
Glamoc, Duvno); colonies: Wilkes 1969 (Dalmatia), Mocsy 1974 (Pannonia 
and Moesia). 






Illviii inn 



exdusion (Tacitus i, Wrnorte 4.74). Thai musl bese, alongside 
another analysis of Roman rule. When asked by Tiberius why 
his people had rebelled, Bato, leader of the Pannonians, is said 
to have responded: 'You Romans are to blame for .his; for 
you send as guardians of your flocks, not dogs or shepherds, 
I'm wolves (Cassius Dio 56. 16). M 

The Romans were prepared to allow the maximum possible 
degree of autonomy to harmless ex-enemies. In preparing the 
constitute of a new province the Romans would usually 
dismantle any existing political association, federation, league 
or alliance which existed above the basic unit of city or tribe 
in the case of the former, institutions would be left intact with 
suitable safeguards against mob rule, as these were best suited 
or collecting taxes and for maintaining order at the local level 
Except in Liburma there were no existing lllyrian city-states to 
which tins policy could be applied, and the native lllyrian 
communities (cwitates) were grouped into judicial assizes 
inventus) based on some of the major coastal towns, where 
they would be required to attend for official and legal business 
Such an organization had already existed in the time of Caesar! 
when 89 civitates were required to attend at Narona. The 
Roman organization of Illyricum brought many changes among 
the native communities: some were combined to form larger 
units more suitable for administration, while others, including 
some ,we l-knovvn Pannonian peoples, were divided. The Elder 
P iny Natural History (3.142-3), completed in the 70s ad, 
mrnisnes lists of the peoples in Dalmatia based on the official 
registers, as they were grouped into three conventus and with 
a . numerical total of decunae for each civitas as an indication 
of size. Tins Roman term may have been equated by the Roman 

: ls j\ ti n somc sl,bdivisio ' vr hin a p e °p le > either kinship 

group or village community. The two conventus centred on 
■Salona and Narona included the names of several well-known 
peoples, but many are quite new, deriving from amalgamations 
or divisions determined by agents, most likely army officers"" 
the provincial governor. 35 

^Though some Pannonians knew Reman •discipline, language and writing' 



2U> 



Rnnun lllyn.im. 



The Scardona conventus, smallest <>| the three, included the 
Japodes and 14 civitates of the Liburni. In the Salona conventus 
the largest group were Dclmatac, with 342 decuriae. In tin 
Narona conventus the 13 civitates include several groups for- 
med by amalgamation of the much larger total in the earlier 
Narona conventus. The Ardiaei, or Vardaei as they were known 
to the Romans, 'once the ravagcrs of Italy' and now reduced 
to a mere 20 decuriae, and the Daorsi or Daversi, with 17 
decuriae, still retained their identities south of the Neretva. On 
the other hand, the Deraemestac (30) were formed from several 
smaller groups in the vicinity of the new Roman colony estab- 
lished at Epidaurum (Cavtat near Dubrovnik). Several peoples 
who had formed the nucleus of the Illyrian kingdom, including, 
as Pliny (NH 3.144) makes a point of observing, the Illyrii 
'properly so-called' (proprie dicti), were joined to form the 
civitas of the Docleatae with 33 decuriae, whose central place 
at the confluence of the rivers Zeta and Moraca became a 
Roman city in Flavian times. 

Beyond the Dinaric mountains the Pannonians of the Bosnian 
valleys were treated in similar fashion. Here the civitates were 
larger than those near the coast. In the Salona conventus were 
the Ditiones (239 decuriae) of southwest Bosnia, the Maezaei 
(269) of the Sana and Vrbas valleys, and the Sardeares (52) 
around Jajce and the Deuri (25) around Bugojno, both in the 
Vrbas valley. Further east the formidable Daesitiates of central 
Bosnia retained their name. The great rebellion of \i> 6 had 
been led by their chief Bato, and their relatively low total of 
103 decuriae likely reflects their heavy losses at that time. One 
of their fortresses, the castellum Hedum, was the destination 
of one of the military roads constructed from Salona after the 
end of the war in ad 9. The Narensi (102) of the same conventus 
are likely to be named from the river Naron/Narenta (Neretva) 
and were perhaps a grouping of communities along its middle 
and upper course. The reason why the Pirustae do not appear 
among the lists of Pliny seems to be explained by a comment 
of Vclleius Paterculus, officer in the Roman army and an eye- 
witness of the Pannonian uprising: 'for the Perustae and the 
Desidiates, Dalmatian tribes who were almost unconquerable 
on account of the position of their strongholds in the moun- 
tains, their warlike temper, their wonderful knowledge of fight- 



lllvn, inn 



'I 



ing, and, above .ill, the narrow p.isses in which they lived, wen- 
then at last pacified, not now undci the mere generalship but 
by the strength in arms of (Tiberius) Caesar himself, and then 
only when they wi re all but exterminated' (2.1 15). The Pirus- 
tae, who inhabited the high valleys of southeast Bosnia and 
northern Montenegro, seem to have been divided between the 
Ceraunii (24 decuriae), whose name deriving from the Greek 
for 'thunderbolt' links them with high mountains, Siculotac 
(24), Glintidiones (44) and Scirtari, who dwelt along the border 
with Macedonia. In northeast Bosnia the Dindari are located 
by the record of one of their chiefs [principes] in the Drina 
valley. Whether or not they, along with the Celegcri of Moesia, 
were created from the once-powerful Scordisci remains uncer- 
tain."' 

Less is known of the Illyrians in the province of Pannonia, 
and Pliny does not furnish any details of conventus organization 
or of relative strength according to numbers of decuriae. He 
names the following civitates: along the river Sava, down- 
stream, the Catari, I.atobici, Varciani, Colapiani, Osscriates, 
Brcuci, Amantini and Scordisci; down the Drava, the Scrretes, 
Serapilli, Jasi and Andizetes; and down the Danube, the Boii, 
Azali, Eravisci, Hercuniatcs, Andizetes, Cornacates, Amantini 
and Scordisci. Between the Serapilli and Boii dwelt the Arabi- 
ates. Some of these names belong to peoples known before the 
conquest, including Boii, Breuci, Andizetes, Amantini, Scordisci 
and Latobici. Others are derived from place names, Cornacates 
from Cornacum (Sotin on the Danube above Belgrade), Varci- 
ani from Varceia and Osscriates from somewhere on the middle 
Sava, or from rivers, Colapiani from Colapis (Kulpa) and Arabi- 
ates from the Arabo (Raab). In the Sava valley the strength of 
the once-belligerent Brcuci and Amantini was broken up into 
smaller groups such as the Cornacates on the lower Sava and 
the Osseriates and Colapiani west of the Breuci. The Illyrian 
Azali may have been deported northwards from the Sava valley 
to dwell between the Celtic Boii and Eravisci on the Danube. 
Given these locations the evidence of personal names helps to 
identify the Illyrian communities in southern Pannonia. The 



ih Wilkes 1969. 



2IS 



Roman Myrians 



Catari around lunon.i have names ol Vcnetk origin and maj 
be a group ol the Carni. Except for the Latobici and Varciani, 
whose names arc Celtic, the civitates of Colapiani, Jasi, Breuci, 
Amantini and Scordisci were lllyrian. 'I'here is little known of 
the civitates in Moesia. In the south the Dardani remained .1 
single group, while the civitas of the Celegeri in the northwest 
may be newly formed out of the Scordisci.' 7 

Thus the Myrians disappeared into the Roman Empire. When 
we next hear of them they are Roman Myrians, army com- 
manders and emperors repelling invaders and reconstructing 
the Empire. Before we come to those remarkable events we 
may pause to take a closer look at Myrians during the period 
when they were assimilating the richer and more varied material 
culture of the Greco-Roman world. The more durable remains 
from Roman times tell us much about the way of life among 
Myrians and, taken along with evidence from the pre-Roman 
era, provide our clearest view of Myrians at a period when they 
were beginning to lose much of their own identity within that 
of Universal Rome. 



Mocsy 1974, Dusanic 1977a (Amantinil, Mirdita 1976 (Dardani). 



8 



Life and Death among 
Myrians 



Ways of life 1 

During a scene in the Roman comedy Threepenny piece' 
(Trinummus) a stranger is introduced: 'Indeed this man is the 
mushroom type; he covers the whole of himself with his head. 
The man's look appears lllyrian; he comes here with that dress' 
(lines 851-3). It is relevant to note that the dramatist I'lautus 
came from Sarsina in Umbria on the eastern side of Italy and 
is likely to have been familiar with what he terms the 'lllyrian 
look' (llilurica fades) of persons wearing a broad hat (caused) 
in the Macedonian style. More than four centuries later the 
historian Herodian strikes a condescending note: M'annonians 
are tall and strong, always ready for a fight and to face danger 
but slow-witted' (2.9). That appears to have been the common 
Roman view of their Danubian provincials, good fellows but 
best kept at arm's length, at a time when they were an 
uncomfortable presence in and around the capital following 
the victory of Septimius Severus in the civil wars at the end of 
the second century AD. 

In the matter of physical character skeletal evidence from 
prehistoric cemeteries suggests no more than average height 
(male 1.65 m, female 1.53). Not much reliance should perhaps 
he placed on attempts to identify an lllyrian anthropological 
type as short and dark-skinned similar to modern Albanians. 



1 Stipcevic 1977a. 



110 



Roman lllyrians 



Nor should one be less cautious towards the authenticity of 
the vivid portrayals of defeated lllyrians by Roman sculptors, 
such as the trophy from Tilurium or the fragment of an imperial 
statue from Pola. One might seem entitled to assume that the 
portrait on tombstones conveys an authentic likeness of the 
deceased. Yet while undoubtedly likely to be correct in dress, 
hairstyle and jewellery, the facial image was subject to fashions 
and stereotypes emanating from the centre of the Empire. Some 
lllyrians were apparently clean-shaven, and their razors have 
been found in their tombs. Strabo tells us that lllyrians tattooed 
their bodies, and needles with wooden handles suitable for this 
purpose are known from Glasinac and Donja Dolina. Leaving 
aside Strabo's comment on the dirty habits of the Dardanians, 
there is little on which to judge the general health of the Illyrian 
population. Estimates of life-expectancy, males 39 and females 
36, from the remains at St Lucia can be valid only for that 
settlement, while deductions from the age of death given on 
tombstones are now judged to be unreliable. Life has always 
been hard in the Illyrian lands and countless wars of resistance 
against invaders are testimony to the durability of their popu- 
lations. In the first century t$c the learned Roman Tercntius 
Varro, who knew Illy ria at first-hand, describes how Illyrian 
women gave birth with the minimum of interruption to their 
toil in the fields, 'holding the new-born in their laps as if they 
had found it rather than given birth to it' (De Re Rustica 
1.10). 2 

For many lllyrians agriculture was less important than live- 
stock, hunting and fishing. Agriculture was successful in the 
broader valleys where the riverside settlements have yielded a 
quantity of organic remains. Crops attested in places such as 
Ripac and Donja Dolina include bread wheat, oats (used for 
brewing an ale), millet and vegetables (peas, beans and lentils). 
The extent of viticulture among the Adriatic lllyrians before 
the arrival of the Greeks remains uncertain. Ancient writers 
imply that lllyrians had not learned to cultivate the vine, 

2 Skeletal evidence: Stipccvic 1977a, 262 note 5; Albanian evidence: I'oul- 
ianos 1976, Nemeskeri 1986, Dhima 1982, 1983, 1985b, 1987, also Zivoji- 
novic 1984 (TrebeniSte)., Mikic 1978 (Glasinac), 1981. Sculpture: Abramic 
1937. 



/ ;/c ,iu,l I )«•,///- among Ufyriam 



221 



although grape seeds have been found in the two settlements 
ii. mu d above and also at Otok on the upper Cetina. In agricul- 
ture the basic implement appears to have been the mattock, at 
first in bone but later of iron. The use of the coulter plough 
lor the heavier soils is believed to be an import, either from 
the Celts to the north or from the Greeks to the south. The 
fully developed plough was evidently not used before Roman 
limes or even the Middle Ages. The spread of iron brought 
into use a wide range of farming implements, including the 
spade, rake, shovel, balanced sickle, scythe and bill-hook, but 
in most cases the Roman period brought a marked increase in 
the efficiency of such equipment. Though not highly regarded 
for their agriculture or viticulture, lllyrians were certainly 
knowledgeable concerning the medicinal qualities of flora in 
their native lands. Several writers refer to the properties of the 
Illyrian iris (iris Illyrica), the stem of which can heal boils, 
relieve headaches and, mixed with honey, even induce abortion. 
The plant was used in several perfume recipes, while Roman 
ladies used the extract as an antiperspirant. A dried iris was 
also believed to relieve the misery of teething among small 
children. Although well known beyond the confines of Illyria, 
the yellow gentian (gentiana luted), employed for the treatment 
of boils, was said to be named by king Gentius, who was the 
first to recognize its qualities (Pliny, Nil 25.71). 3 

By the Roman period both the vine and olive were cultivated 
by the Adriatic lllyrians, but the Pannonians long continued to 
import wine in casks through Aquilcia (Strabo 5.1, 8). Istrian 
wines were highly regarded, but the planting of vines on the 
hills north of Sirmium was a famous initiative of the late third- 
century emperor Probus, a native of the area. To the Greek 
world the lllyrians appeared heavy drinkers, from the drinking 
bouts of the Ardiaei from which intoxicated men were conveyed 
home by their women, who had also participated, to the over- 
indulgence of their kings Agron and Gentius. As an alternative 
to wine the Greeks learned of an excellent recipe for mead 
made from honey and water from the Taulantii near Dyrrhach- 



' Beck Managetta, 1897 (Ripac), Maly (Donja Dolina), Bcnac 1951 
(prehistoric diet), Grmek 1949 (Illyrian iris). 



222 



Roman lllyrians 



mm, sdll consumed In I he- P.innonun lllyrians in the age ol 
Attila ilu' 1 Inn. St Jerome, whose home lay among the north 
western lllyrians on the border ol Dalmatia and Pannonia, tells 
about the ordinary man's beer called sabaium, made from 
barley. Late in the fourth century the emperor Valens (ad 
364-378), who came from a Pannonian family of peasant 
origin, was so fond of his native brew that he gained the 
nickname 'sabaiarius'. 4 

Sheep and goats were the commonest livestock among lllyri- 
ans. Some of the riverside sites (Donja Dolina, etc.) have yielded 
significant quantities of pig bones, but these seem to diminish 
towards the Adriatic. It is hard to assess the importance of 
hunting in the economy of settled communities. In the few large 
deposits so far recorded the quantities of bones from wild 
animals are no more than a small fraction, and some of these 
were deer antlers that were useful as implements. The wild 
boar was hunted with the spear but many smaller animals were 
hunted for their skins with bow and arrow. We learn from the 
late (ireek medical writer Paul of Aegina (De Re Medica 6.88) 
that some of the inhabitants of Roman Dalmatia applied to 
their arrows a poison called ninum. This was a non-botanical 
variety which, though lethal to animals, did not contaminate 
the flesh and was obtained from snake-venom. Fishing was no 
doubt practised by those who had the opportunity but there is 
no evidence for fish tanks (vivaria) before the Roman period. 
In riverside settlements such as Donja Dolina fishing was a 
major activity, indicated by the huge dumps of fish-bones and 
discarded tackle, including hooks, tridents, harpoons, wooden 
floats and weights, along with remains of dugout canoes from 
which the nets were cast. In the small Liburnian coastal town 
of Argyruntum (Starigrad Paklenica) a cemetery of the early 
Roman period yielded a variety of fish hooks deposited in the 
graves. The salt that was essential for communities dependent 
on their livestock was obtained mainly from the coast but also 
from a few sources inland. Salt produced by evaporation along 
the coast was conveyed inland over the many 'salt roads' which 

4 Mead: Priscus FHG 4, 83, Jerome Commentary on Isaiah 7.19, Myriad 
drink: Cirmck 1950, Zaninovic 1976a (wine among Adriatic lllyrians), Daut- 
ova-Rusevljan 1975 (wine amphorae in wreck near Rab). 



/ //.■ .iii.l Death among UlyrUmt 



continued in use down to modern times. Hie salt source that 
was .i cause ol conflict between the lllyrian Ardiaei and Autaria- 
t.ie may be that at Orahovica in the upper Neretva valley near 
Konjic. Apparently when the salt solution was drawn live days 
sufficed for the evaporation, lor a period the two peoples had 
agreed to extract it in alternate years." 

Although there is evidence for glass manufacture among the 
Japodes, metal-working was the foremost industry practised by 
lllyrians. Some have linked its spread with the arrival of Celts 
in the fourth century bc. Until then most weapons, implements, 
utensils and ornaments were produced in bronze, a tradition 
which continued into the Roman period. During the late Iron 
Age most lllyrian communities had acquired the techniques for 
working the abundant and varied mineral deposits in their 
lands. Many lllyrian sites have produced metal-working 
implements, including picks and mallets for extracting and 
crushing the ore. Smelting-furnaces, sometimes resembling 
bread-ovens, occur within hill-forts. Stone and clay moulds for 
bronze-casting are common in Bosnia, while ingots suggest the 
existence of itinerant craftsmen. Burials of metal-workers at 
Sanski Most in northwest Bosnia have yielded a pouring scoop 
and the remains of a bellows. 6 

The appearance of silver objects in graves of the Late Iron 
Age indicates the working of local silver deposits. Among 
the southern lllyrians the deposits which provided Damastion 
(Strabo 7.7, 8), somewhere in the Ohrid region, with a silver 
coinage may be the same ones that attracted Corinthian interest 
in the area. In the Roman period the main centre of silver- 
mining was the aptly named Argentaria district in eastern 
Bosnia on the middle Drina. The large settlement under imperial 
control at Domavia (Gradina) was later an important source 
of silver for the imperial mint. Though poets refer to the gold 
of Dalmatia, and an exceptional strike of 50 pounds in the 
course of one day was reported in the reign of Nero (ad 54-68), 
the location of workings remains a mystery (Pliny, Nil 33.67). 

'Animal bones: Woldrich 1897 (Ripac), 1904 (Donja Dolina), Boessneck 
and Stork 1972 (Duvno area), Abramic and Colnago 1909 (Argyruntum). 

"Fiala 1899, 302 (Sanski Most), spread of metal-working: Covic 1980b, 
1984a, also Stipccvic 1977a, 271-2 note 24 (furnaces in gradinas). 



ROtrtOH III \; 1,1,1- 



Wc are informed thai the firsl governor ol Dalmatia forced the 
natives to wash out the gold, though they were too ignorant 
to appreciate its value, and there was an imperial bureau tor 
the Dalmatian gold mines based in Salona (Floras, Epitome 
2.25). The most likely source seems to be river gold in central 
Bosnia, where remains of working from different periods have 
been identified. 7 

Though Roman mines and quarries were worked with the 
labour of condemned criminals among the Illyrians, mining 
remained a traditional skill that was highly valued by the 
Romans. Early in the second century ad there was a new 
organization for the silver, copper, lead and iron workings in 
the central Balkans, controlled by imperial agents (procurators). 
The names of some mining settlements appear on a local bronze 
coinage introduced early in the second century, including Met- 
alla Ulpiana (around Pristina) and Dardanica (Kopaonik moun- 
tains east of the Ibar). Around the same period whole communi- 
ties of Illyrians moved to work the rich gold deposits of western 
Transylvania, in the recently conquered Dacia. Several com- 
munities arc recorded, including 'castella' of the Delmatae and 
a village {vicus) of the Pirustae, who may well have been 
willing participants in the Dacian 'gold-rush' of the early second 
century ad. 8 

The archaeological evidence for lllyrian commerce consists 
exclusively of imports of manufactures from Greece and Italy, 
lllyrian exports will have consisted of natural products such as 
cereals and skins, and, in some regions, slaves. The Greeks as 
a whole appear to have distrusted the Adriatic. The Athenians 
kept out of it (Lysias 32.25, Athcnaeus I3.612d), although a 
fourth-century inscription from Piraeus describes a project to 
found a settlement somewhere in the Adriatic area for the 
purpose of importing wheat. Most likely commerce in this 
quarter was in the hands of local Greeks from southern Italy 
and Sicily. One exceptional import to the lllyrian lands was 

Hammond 1972, 93 f. (locating Damastion near working of argentiferous 
lead at Rcsen, north of Ohrid), Wilkes 1969 (Argentaria, Domavia), Pasalic 
1967 (mining in Bosnia). 
"Dusanic 1977b, Covic 1984a, Jovanovic 1982 (Rudna Glava copper 
mine), Daicoviciu 1958 (Dalmatians in Dacia). 



/ ;/c ,ui,l Death among Ulyriant 



Lis 



amber, the fossilized orange resin from tin- south shore ol the 
Baltic conveyed south by a famous mute along the Vistula 
across the Carpathians to the head ol the Adriatic. Illyrians 
had a special liking lor amber and large amounts of it have 
been found in their tombs, mainly as beads and pendants of 
.ill shapes and sizes but sometimes as inset decoration on meral 
brooches. The Illyrians believed in its magical and protective 
qualities and almost everyone seems to have worn it as an 
amulet. Some attempted to procure a local substitute from the 
resin of conifers but nothing could replace the genuine article, 
and laboratory analysis has revealed that lllyrian amber came 
from the Baltic, rather than from inferior sources in Hungary 
or Sicily. The arrival of the Celts in the Danube basin appears 
to have disturbed the amber trade and other long-distance 
commerce of the Illyrians. They may be responsible for the 
increased production of metal objects among some Illyrians, 
but their silver coinages, modelled on the fourth-century issues 
of Macedonia, do not appear among the Illyrians. 9 

Most of the prc-Roman coins produced in the lllyrian lands 
were initially imitations of issues by Dyrrhachium and Apol- 
lonia which began in the fifth century bc. Greek colonies in 
the Adriatic coined for local use and their currency did not 
circulate among peoples on the mainland, who, we are told, 
had no use for coined money. Similarly the coinages of the 
lllyrian kingdom and later native issues following the Roman 
conquest arc of no more than local economic importance. 
Roman coins appear for the first time among a few large hoards 
in the northwest of the second century BC, which contain a 
curious mixture of Mediterranean issues and arc interpreted as 
the result either of long-distance trade or piracy. The stereotype 
of the lllyrian pirate became widespread in the Greek and 
Roman world and acquired a notoriety that far exceeded any 
actual misdeeds. The Dalmatian shore, with its many islands 
and inlets, was ideal for quick raids by seaborne robbers, while 

"Stipcevic 1977a, Sasel 1977b (prehistoric trade across the Julian Alps), 
Mano 1975 (trade in S. Illyria); amber: Malinowsky 1971, Terzan 1984a, 
Todd, Eichel, Beck and Macchiarulo 1976 (analysis of amber), Orlic 1986 
(shipwreck near Cres), Radic 1988 (terracotta ship-altars), Archaeological 
Museum Pula 1986b (Istrian shipping). 



Roman lllyrians 



shipping in the AiIii.uk tended t<> prefer ihr sccurit) <>l the 
east shore to that oi Italy, harbourless between Brindisi and 
Ancona, The Dalmatians have throughout the ages heen formi- 
dable sailors. In antiquity their distinctive craft was the lembus. 
Highly manoeuvrable and with a low freeboard, these could be 
devastating in concerted attacks on the average Mediterranean 
transport or war galley. It has been well argued that Illyrian 
piracy was a gross exaggeration by Greeks and Romans of the 
third and second centuries nc.' n 

The history of the Illyrian lands down to the present day 
demonstrates how a rugged terrain produces a recurring tend- 
ency to political fragmentation. In the matter of settlements 
there were no great concentrations of population among the 
pre-Roman lllyrians to compare with some of the great oppida 
among the Celtic peoples. The most distinctive feature of the 
typical Illyrian settlement, the fortified hill-top (see figure 25) 
is the large number that appear to have existed at the same 
time often in barren and isolated situations. Most of the surviv- 




r.. f-, .( Own md , 

........ m r,A* 1 

figure IS The prehistoric village and castelliere in Istria as recon- 
structed by R.F. Burton 



"'Kos 1986 (coin circulation in southeast Alps), Mirnik 1982, 1989 (North 
African), Kozlicic 1980-1 (ships on coins of Daorsi), Dell 1967b (Adriatic 
piracy). 



Life and l>eatl> among Wyriani 



111 



mg remains occur near the Adriatic ill the limestone areas, bul 
there i s n<> reason to doubi that similar numbers existed in 
Bosnia or around the Sava and Drava valleys. Little is known 
ol internal arrangements. In Istria several places had a 'spider's- 
web' arrangement of streets similar to that which survived in the 
Roman colony at I'ola. In other areas houses were constructed 
against the perimeter walls and then extended towards the 
interior. The nature of larger Illyrian settlements, specifically 
the question of developing urbanism, has been much debated, 
notably iii Albania. In many places Roman conquest led to the 
abandonment of the fortified hill-settlement and the emergence 
ol a central place on lower ground, later organized as a city 
on which the local population became dependent for trade, 
religion and the law. Few of these places became impressive 
urban centres, although several major settlements in Istria and 
Liburnia seem to have been easily endowed with public build- 
ings in the Roman fashion. Few Illyrian settlements have been 
extensively examined, except for a small number of riverside 
villages with pile-dwellings where organic remains have been 
preserved in the river silt. These include Donja Dolina on the 
Sava, Ripac near Bihac on the Una and Otok near Sinj on the 
Cetina. There is no evidence for a distinctive Illyrian dwelling. 
Stone houses or huts are known, sometimes in larger blocks 
with party walls, many of rough stones with thatch roofs. 
Roman rule had little impact on Illyrian houses even in some 
larger settlements such as the Radovin gradina in Liburnia, 
where the roofs of limestone slabs are identical with those in 
use today. These were residences of the leaders, and the 
majority were content with a much more humble structure such 
as the cone-shaped bunjc, still the typical shepherd's hut of the 
Illyrian lands." 

The common garment worn by the Illyrian male was a tunic 
or long shirt, over which the heavy cloak was worn, as depicted 
on a Japodian cremation urn from Ribic near Bihac. On Roman 
reliefs the familiar style of the Illyrian tunic has broader sleeves 

"Stipcevic 1977a, 95-105, Bcnac 1975a (general surveys), Truhlar 1981 
(Slovenia), Faber 1976 (Adriatic coast), Kurti 1979 (Mat region), Ceka 
1975c (Illyrian urban culture), Bace and Bushati 1989 (domestic dwelling in 
Albania), Suic 1976a, ch. 2 (physical evolution of Illyrian settlements). 



llx Roman lllyriani 

and a betted waist, .is on the remarkable relief from Zenica in 
which the sculptor has attempted to imitate wood-carving (sec 

figure 26). This version of the lllyrian tunic may he the origin 
of the dalmatic, the favoured garment of late Roman secular 
and church dignitaries and which survives today as a church 
vestment. Illyrians also wore the heavy cloak, the Roman sagum 
similar to the earlier Greek chlamys, fastened at the shoulder 
by a metal clasp. Breeches were a Roman stereotype of bar- 
barian dress and may have been widespread among Illyrians. 
They are depicted on a Japodian cremation urn and on a grave 




Figure 26 Four male figures on a tombstone from Zenica, Bosnia, 

4th century ad 



l.i/e .nnl Ihuth >im.»ig IIIvimhs 



relief from Livno among the Delmatae. Among .i variety ol 

dose-lining caps the lamilar Balkan skull-cap (Albanian 
qeleshe) appears on a relief from Zenica. The conical fur or 
leather cap (the Slav subara) is also represented. The remarkable 
headgear worn by the Japodes of the Lika has no parallel 
elsewhere, except for some helmets in the Dolensko district of 
Slovenia. The leather moccasin was an lllyrian footwear 
adopted widely by the Slavs (opanci). Versions of it appear on 
a Japodian urn possibly of the fifth century Be and on the 
Roman monument from Tilurium. They were made from a 
single sheet of leather with the point turned back towards the 
leg and held with a leather strap around the ankle. 12 

The dress of lllyrian women, which is better represented on 
monuments of the Hellenistic and Roman eras, comprised three 
elements: an undergarment that reached usually to the feet, an 
upper garment and a cloak. The first had long sleeves but 
otherwise was not much different from the male tunic. In some 
cases women are depicted wearing only this garment and a 
sleeveless garment fastened at the shoulders by clasps and belted 
at the waist. Another over-garment was close-fitting in the 
upper part but fully pleated and bell-shaped in the lower. This 
dress is common on grave reliefs of the Roman era and is alsc 
the garb of female deities, such as Diana and the Nymphs, 
although it is also worn by dancers on the early Japodian urns 
(fifth to fourth centuries bc). A version of this lllyrian dress 
survives in northern Albania and in the Kosovo region. lllyrian 
women are also shown wearing a form of hooded cloak, on 
reliefs from northern Albania (Krotine near Berat) and Livnc 
among the Delmatae. Some ancient sources refer to a Liburniar 
hooded cloak (cucullus Liburnicus). lllyrian women are alsc 
shown wearing a variety of the Balkan headscarf, with the ends 



12 Stipcevic 1977a, 86-90, Crcmosnik 1963, 1964 (native dress on Romar 
relief sculpture in Bosnia-Herccgovina), Isidore of Seville, Etymologies 19.22 
9 (dalmatic), Terzan 1984b (dress and society), Gjcrgji 1971 (Albania! 
continuity of lllyrian dress), Jubani 1970. 



210 



Roman lllyriam 



tied or untied. More common are the shawls which covered 
both head and shoulders, already depicted on situlac of tin- 
Early Iron Age from Dolensko. 1- * 

Among the objects of domestic life there do not appear to 
have been distinctive types or forms of lllyrian pottery. The 
potter's best products were the burial urn, often richly decor- 
ated with paint, mouldings or incisions. Illyrians continued to 
make their pottery by hand down to the Roman period, except 
in the northwest and the south where contacts with Italy and 
Greece led to the use of the potter's wheel. There were no 
centres of large-scale production and the few kilns known 
suggest that they produced only for the needs of the local 
settlement. The production and use of metal utensils remained 
for the most part confined to the northwestern communities, 
where Italic influence brought the manufacture of buckets 
(situlae) and cauldrons. Otherwise metal vessels, like those in 
tombs at Glasinac, the Mat valley and Trcbcniste, were Greek 
imports. Just as with pottery, so there was no distinctive lllyrian 
version of the axe, probably the most common working tool 
found in their settlements, made in stone, bronze and iron. A 
distinctive type known in Istria and Slovenia, a single-edged 
bronze long axe sometimes decorated where the handle was 
inserted, was intended for combat rather than domestic use. 
Another common tool was the chisel, from the heavy stone- or 
timber-splitter used with a hammer to the handled variety for 
wood-carving. 14 

Illyrians used the traditional saddle quern for grinding their 
corn, where the grain was spread on a concave stone and then 
crushed by a smaller oval stone laid above. Some communities 
still used this quern in the Roman period, but by then most 
had adopted the more efficient rotary quern (mola versatilis), 
likely to have been first introduced by the Greeks. The mill 

"Cremosnik 1963, 1964, Terzan 1984b, Drcchsler-Bizic 1968 (Japodian 
headgear), Komata 1984 (Dyrrhachium relief of lllyrian Kleitia with head 
shawl). 

14 Komata 1971a (pottery kilns near Kuq i Zi near Korce), Anamali 1988 
(lamp manufacture at Byllis), Vinski-Gasparini 1968 (manufacture of bronze 
pails among northern illyrians), Pus 1976 (impregnation of pottery with 
birch-bark resin), Stipcevic 1960-1 (lllyrian tools). 



/ ;/<• ,//;./ Death among Illyrians 



.Ml 



consisted oi .1 largci lowei round stone with .1 convex top 
[meta) fixed in .1 wooden stand, on which was placed the 
concave upper stone (catillus). The latter had an opening at 
the top into which the grain was ted and the milled wheat 
i. ime out at the sides. This implement remained in use among 
many Balkan communities until modern times. There is no 
trace of Illyrians using the donkey-powered capstan mill found 
111 some Roman settlements. Many of the known lllyrian houses 
contained ovens or hearths for baking bread, for example, at 
Donja Dolina. A Slav method of baking bread using a heavy 
day lid {pekva) that was heated and placed above the dough 
in the fireplace was inherited from the Illyrians, from the 
evidence of a complete example found at Ripac near Bihac. 15 

Among basic implements of the livestock economy the Illyri- 
ans employed the simple spring form of cutting shears, still 
used today for shearing sheep. Almost every excavated settle- 
ment has yielded numbers of loomweights of fired clay, some- 
times decorated with patterns and symbols. Their deposition 
in graves has suggested that these designs have some inner 
meaning, perhaps representing the souls of ancestors as guard- 
ians of the hearth. Most lllyrian households will have had a 
weaving loom, while the domestic debris from several sites 
includes spinning-wheels in several materials, bone needles, 
shuttles and spindles. 16 

illyrians loved ornaments, and on festive occasions their 
womenfolk would appear heavily draped with all manner of 
jewellery, while the men bore their highly decorated weapons 
(sec figures 27a and 27b). The brooch {fibula) used for fastening 
clothing was worn by both sexes. Several varieties appear to 
have had a distinctive evolution in the lllyrian lands, notably 
the 'spectacle'-brooch of two concentrically wound spirals 
attached to the pin. The Glasinac fibula was a variant of 
the simple bow-fibula which is common among many lllyrian 
groups. Other forms which appear in the Early Iron Age include 
those with bosses on the arch, animal-shaped brooches, serpent- 
shaped and plate-brooches, the last being distinctively Liburn- 

"Covic 1962, Truhelka 1904 and 1909 (Donja Dolina), Stipcevic 1977a, 
269 note 42 (pekvas). 
"■Stipcevic 1977a, 131-2. 





Figure 27 a) Bronze pectoral from Zaton, near Nin, Liburnia 
b) Jewellery and ornaments worn by lllyrian women 



I ife .111,1 /)<•.;//■ among lllyrians 



23.1 



ian. A significant later imporl was the heav) brooch with large 
arch and long arm named from the site <>i ( ertosa near Bologna. 
Another distinctive brooch, ottcn m.ulc in silver and with a 
wide arch in the form of open petals, is named from the fine 
examples found at Sirpci on the Drina near Gorazde. This type 
seems to have been popular among the southern lllyrians and 
is believed to be modelled on Greek forms. 1 

The most remarkable lllyrian headgear must be that worn 
by the women of the Japodes in the Lika plain, which included 
diadems and elaborate pendants (see figures 28a-e). The dia- 
dem was also worn by other lllyrians, including the Liburnians, 
where they were made of sheet bronze with geometric decor- 
ation, lllyrians could have been found wearing almost every 
conceivable size, shape and design of pendant. Among the 
(apodes and Liburnians the human face was a common image, 
while the bird was preferred among the southern lllyrians, 
including those buried at Trcbenistc. The triangle, often rep- 
resenting the human figure, was the most common geometric 
ornament. The lllyrians wore bracelets with terminals in the 
form of animals, in particular serpents' heads. The finest 
examples of this type arc the gold Mramorac bracelets from 
near Belgrade dated to the fifth or fourth centuries bo Other 
examples are known in silver, while their general distribution 
towards the south in the direction of Macedonia suggests they 
may have come from Greek workshops. In addition to their 
necklaces of amber, lllyrian chiefs wore heavy bronze torques 
around the neck. One can only wonder at the way their robes 
with rich metal ornaments and fastenings were often taken to 
the funeral pyre or the grave. The chest ornament (pectoral) 
must often have presented an intimidating aspect of shining 
metal. Some of the most elaborate come from Liburnian tombs, 
consisting of decorated bronze plates from which a variety of 
pendants and other ornaments were suspended. The lllyrians 
liked decorated belt-buckles or clasps (see figure 29). Some of 

17 Alexander 1965 (spectacle-brooches), Gabrovec 1970 (double-loop 
Glasinac), Bod.naku 1984, Covic 1975d, Vasic 1985, 1987, Vinski-Gasparini 
1974 (bow-brooches), Vasic 1975 (spear-form). Stare 1976 (boat-shaped), 
Tcrzan 1977, Tezak-Gregel 1981 (Ccrtosa brooches), Batovic 1958 (plate- 
brooches), Drechsler-Bizic 1951 (brooches in Bosnia-Hcrcegovina). 




Figure 28 a) Anthropomorphic bronze pendant from Loz, Slovenia, 

5th century bc 
b) Bronze pendant from Kompolje, Lika, 25 cm long 
c) Bronze temple-hand from Gorica, Slovenia 
d) Japodian metal headgear from Kompolje, Lika 




Figure 2H Continued 

e) Japodian leather helmets with metal studs and mail from Kompolje, 

Lika 

f) Bronze and amber jeivellery from burial tumulus at Sticna, 6th 

century nr. 



236 



Roman Illyrians 




Figure 29 Silvered bronze belt-plate with scene of combat between 
warriors and horsemen, from Selce e Poshtme, Albania, 
3rd century h<: 



gold and silver, with openwork designs of stylized birds, have 
a similar distribution to the Mramorac bracelets and may also 
have been produced under Greek influence. 18 

For Illyrian social organization the available picture is not 
only incomplete but often distorted by statements of Greek and 
Roman writers. There was little in the Illyrian way of life that 
they found appealing. No writer produced a balanced account 
of Illyrians: the promised description of the Pannonians and 
Dalmatians by Velleius Paterculus (2.114), based on his experi- 
ences in the war of ad 6-9, evidently did not materialize. Most 
of what we have comes from second-, third- or even fourth- 
hand, sometimes with an interval of centuries. We have no 
Illyrian words for political or social organization. The material 
evidence, while abundant, is often hard to decipher. Some 
have argued that already in the Bronze Age there was a class 
possessing special functions and expertise whose subsistence 
was produced by others. Yet what this amounted to in regard 

18 Stipdevid 1977a, 111-24, Kilian 1975; pins: Kilian-Dirlmeicr 1984 
(N.Albania), Veyvoda 1961 (Japodian double-pins), Vasid 1982b, 1974a 
(decorated buckles), Drechsler-Bi/ic 1968, Kastelic 1960 (diadem), Markovic 
1984 (ornaments in princely tomb, Lisijcvo polje, Ivangrad, Montenegro), 
Terzan 1978 (dress-fittings from Krizna Gora), Stare 1970 (Japodian 
pectoral), Pus 1978 (anthropomorphic pendants from Ljubljana), Jubani 
1967 (significance of pendant forms in Mat region). 



/ //<• and Death among Illyrians 



237 



in such groups .is priests, craftsmen oi warriors is hard to tell, 
by the eighth century B< and the developed Iron Age a clearly 
defined class ol warrior elite b.ul come into existence, at least 
in some areas, whose status we can judge from the quantities 
of weapons, armour and other precious things deposited in 
their tombs. The formation of tribal units will have engendered 
warfare and given the specialist lighter a high status. There 
is no way ol judging the extent to which outside influences 
contributed to these developments. The import of some high 
quality goods from the Greek world does not represent any 
direct influence over the Illyrian social order, although con- 
trolling the supply of material supplied in exchange for such 
Hems must have remained a significant concern on the part of 
the ruling elite. 19 

The growth of urban centres among some of the southern 
Illyrians can be linked to direct contacts with the Greek world 
in the Hellenistic era. Similarly, what is known of the internal 
organization of the Illyrian kingdom points to imitation of 
neighbouring Epirus and Macedonia. Accounts of the regime 
imposed on Illyrians following the Roman conquest convey 
little or nothing of native tribal institutions. There seems little 
to be gained from matching the 342 decuriae attributed by 
Pliny to the Delmatae with Strabo's estimate of 50 settlements 
or the claim of Vatinius that they exceeded 60. Some inscribed 
boundary stones from their territory record smaller groups, 
probably the inhabitants of single places, the Narestini of Nare- 
ste (Jesenice), the Pituntini of Pituntium (Podstrana) and the 
Onastini of Oneum (Omis), along the coast south of Salona. 
Similarly there were the Barizaniates of Bariduum and the 
I.izaviatcs in the Vrlika region of the upper Cetina valley. 
Strabo's much discussed comment (7.5, 5) that among the 
Delmatae land was redistributed every eighth year may relate 
to the peculiar conditions of the seasonally flooded polje, where 
collective ownership of the land may have lasted into the 
Roman era. 20 

The Illyrian tribal aristocracy under Roman rule appears 



'' Suic 1967b (ancient references to Illyrian 'ethnology'). 

"Gabriccvic 1953 (communities of Delmatae in Vrlika area), Wilkes 1969. 



i n 



before the end of the first century ad witli the title chief 

(princeps) and even commander (praepositus). At least one of 

the leading families of the Delmatae based at Rider received 
Roman citizenship from the emperor Claudius (ad 41—54). 
Further south in the old Illyrian kingdom wc meet a chief 
(princeps) of the Docleatae and a relative who was chief of the 
local fortress Salthua (probably Rijecani near Niksic), though 
neither of these was yet a Roman citizen. The title of princeps 
still persisted after some of the large native settlements had 
been organized as Roman cities. Among the Japodes around 
Bihac, altars were dedicated by leaders of the tribe to Bindus 
Neptunus, deity of the local spring (see figure 30). In addition 
to the (presumably) hereditary title of chief (princeps) one has 
the title commander (praepositus) and a reference to his receiv- 
ing Roman citizenship from Vespasian (ad 69-79). This appears 
to imply that by the Flavian era the native chiefs were replacing 
the senior centurions and regimental commanders appointed to 
control the civitates after the conquest. Little is known of the 
status of women among the lllyrians save for two interesting 
comments by ancient writers. The Coastal Passage (Periplus) 
attributed to Scylax of Caryanda reports that the Liburnians 
were subject to the rule of women, who were free to have 
sexual relations with slaves or foreigners. On a similar note 
the Roman Varro, writing in the first century tic:, observes that 
Liburnian women could, if they chose, cohabit before marriage 
with anyone they pleased. These passages have been used to 
support the belief that the Liburnians represent some survival 
of non-Indo-Europeans among the lllyrians, although the role 
of Queen Teuta among the southern lllyrians suggests that, in 
politics at least, women played a leading role among other 
lllyrians. 21 

The prominence of warfare in ancient accounts of the lllyri- 
ans is matched by the large and various quantities of arms 
recovered from their graves. Their principal offensive weapon 
was the single-edged curved sword, similar to the Greek 
machaira, a form of weapon that can be traced back to Bronze 
Age times. Although a short curved sword was used by several 



21 Wilkes 1969. 



Life and Death among Wyrtam 



IV) 




Figure 30 Altars with Latin text dedicated by chief of the Japodes at 
Privilica spring, near Bihac, Bosnia, 1st century ad 



peoples around the Mediterranean the Romans regarded the 
sica as a distinctive Illyrian weapon, used by the stealthy 
assassin (sicarius). Equally well represented in the material 
evidence is the long heavy spear (sihyna) which is described as 
an Illyrian weapon by the Roman poet Ennius (Annals 5.540). 
Apart from these distinctive types Illyrian graves contain a 
variety of knives, battle-axes, swords and bows and arrows. 
What is remarkable is that so many weapons were placed intact 
in the grave. For defence lllyrians used a light round shield of 
wood or leather with a bronze boss. Body armour, breastplates 



240 



Roman tllyriam 



(see figure 31), greaves and helmets were the privilege of a 
minority, with a few examples <>l lull body protection being 
known only in the Dolensko region ot Slovenia. At Glasinac 
there are some chest-protectors covered with bronze studs, 
dated to the seventh century BC. Bronze greaves of the same 
period include a pair from a princely tomb at llijak, on which 
there is rcpousscc and engraved decoration of exceptional inter- 
est, including the lllyrian (Liburnian) warships rendered in a 
striking geometric style. Metal helmets are the most common 
protective armour in the early graves (see figure 32). More than 
30 examples from the Dolensko region furnish a series of 
designs evolved in local workshops. Helmets at Glasinac were 
imported, including one prototype of the so-called Grcco- 
Illyrian helmet, whose origin and manufacture has been much 
debated. An Albanian view insists that this represents a wholly 




Figure 3 1 (above left) Bronze cuirass from Novo Mesto, Slovenia 

Figure 32 (above right) Bronze helmet from a warrior-burial, Kaplol, 

Slovenia 



1 Ife and Death among Illy riant M 1 

Indigenous lllyrian type, in use from the seventh to the second 
centuries iu , although the majority view is thai that type had 
gone out <>l use by the fourth century. 

Burial and belief 

We know lllyrians mainly through their burials, into which 
1 hey put a great deal, both spiritually and physically. The 
general lack of uniformity in burial practice has tended to be 
eiled as evidence for the mixed origins of the lllyrians, including 
both Indo-European and non-Indo-European elements. One 
distinctive feature of the lllyrian burial rite was the mound of 
stones and earth heaped over the grave. Though such tumulus 
burials are found in several areas of Europe during the Bronze 
Age, the lllyrians stand out for their continuation of the practice 
even, in some regions, well into the Roman period. The size of 
the mound, perhaps also the location, as well as the quality of 
the contents were intended to make an explicit statement of 
status in the community on the part of the family or kinship 
group. The burials of chiefs or princes were also marked out 
by the large number of secondary burials inserted within the 
mound, often in a regular arrangement, of companion warriors 
or others of the kin group. Apart from these features there 
appears to have been no means by which the identity of the 
deceased was indicated to the casual onlooker; in the absence 
of skeletal remains, only the interred objects can distinguish 
between a male and female burial, as is the case with the 
princely burials at Atenica near Cacak. 24 

There is not a great deal of informative evidence for religious 
or cult practices associated with the lllyrian dead. Coffin-burials 



22 Stipccvic 1977a, 171-.? (swords), Frey 1973 (hoplite panoply in southeast 
Alps), Islami 198 I, Stamati 1981 (cuirasses), Kilian 197.1 (greaves from llijak. 
Glasinac). 

"Stipcevid 1977a, 229-36, Faber 1984 (tumulus construction), Palavestra 
1984 (princely tombs), D. Garasanin 1976 (Balkan tumuli graves), I.azic 
1989 (tumuli in Serbia and Montenegro), Ceka 1975a (chamber tombs in 
cities), Manastirli 1976 (rock-cut tombs), Cambi 1975, Saric 1975a 
(sarcophagi and cremation chests in Lika}. 



242 



Roman lllyriam 



beneath the floorboards ol houses ai Donja Dolina suggest thai 
a few individuals (most people were buried in the nearby 
cemetery) had a special role as guardians or protectors of the 
hearth. The excavator of that settlement believed that the clay 
hearths, decorated with meanders and swastikas, in the houses 
may have served also as shrines related to the cult of the dead 
(sec figure 33). The practice of burying the corpse in the crouch 
position, common in Bronze Age Europe, persisted among the 
Liburnians, and this is cited as further evidence for the survival 
of non-Indo-European elements among that people. The grad- 
ual shift from the rite of cremation to that of inhumation 
during the Roman era is generally interpreted as sign of a 
greater concern with the afterlife. In the Early Iron Age an 
older tradition of inhumation among Illyrians began to be 
replaced by cremation, and this is seen as evidence for a spiritual 
change or even 'crisis'. In regional terms cremation was more 
common among northern Illyrians, while the other persisted as 
the dominant rite in the south. It is hard to assess such changes, 
dimly seen over a long period of time. In the Vrlika region of 




Figure 33 Decorated clay hearth from Donja Dolina, Bosnia 



I ife an, I D, ath among Ulyriant 



24 I 



tin- upper t lima valley, hardl) SO miles from the sea but still 
a remote area, lllyrian tumulus burials carried on the traditions 

of the Bronze Age at least down to the second century AD. In 
the rite ot cremation the old ritual ol raking the charred bones 
and ashes of the pyre together as filling for the grave was 
gradually given up in preference for the small stone cremation 
ju st, usually decorated and inscribed, that became widespread 
during the Roman era. Perhaps the most distinctive form of 
lllyrian grave monument rendered in stone was the circular 
Liburnian tombstone, representing a round house or hut with 
conical roof of tiles or stone slabs. Most of these appear to 
belong to the early Roman period (first to early second centuries 
ad). Another form of the Roman era reflecting native traditions 
occurs around the Gulf of Kotor, where some tombstones arc 
surmounted by small pyramids, representing the roof of a 
dwelling. 24 

There is no evidence for religious practice or observance 
among Illyrians to compare with that for the ritual of burial. 
We have no means of setting in context the reference to human 
sacrifice carried out by some Illyrians in the face of the 
expedition by Alexander of Macedon in 335 bc . The blood- 
thirsty ways of Illyrians are mentioned with disgust by Creek 
writers, notably tlie custom of using the skull of an enemy as 
a drinking tankard. The practice of mutilating prisoners may 
be the reason why the Autariatae killed their own weak and 
wounded, so that they did not fall into the hands of the enemy 
live and edible (Nicolaus of Damascus, Collection of Customs, 
Frag. 115, ed. Jacoby, KlrHist II A). At the more spiritual level 
Illyrians were certainly much taken with the force of spells or 
the evil eye. Pliny's story that there were among Illyrians those 
"who could gaze with the evil eye, cast a spell and even kill 
someone' (N//7.16) is repeated in the following century by 
Aulus Gellius (9.4, 8) in his compendium of table-talk among 



- 4 Stipccvic 1984b, Benac 1984b, M. Garasanin 1984 (anthropomorphic 
tombstones), Gabricevic 1983 (Sinj tombstones), Fadie 1988 [Liburnian 
tombstone), Zotovic 1974 (Pilatovici), 1984 (Sase burials), Dobruna-Sahhu 
1982, 1987, Mirdita 1982 (Kosovo). 



244 



limn, in I II yi i, ins 



Roman intellectuals. The force <>l the evil eye remains wide- 
spread in the Balkans, hut there is no reason to believe that it 
has a specifically Illy rian origin. 

Unlike Celts, Dacians, Thracians or Scythians, there is no 
indication that lllyrians developed a uniform cosmology on 
which their religious practice was centred. An etymology of the 
Illyrian name linked with serpent would, if it is true, fit with 
the many representations of that species in the southern Balk- 
ans. Names of individual peoples may have been formed in a 
similar fashion, Taulantii from 'swallow' (cf. the Albanian 
tallandusbe) or Enchclei the 'eel-men' and Chelidoni the 'snail- 
men'. The name of the Dclmatae appears connected with the 
Albanian word for 'sheep' (delme) and the Dardanians with 
that for 'pear' (dardbe). Some place-names appear to have 
similar derivations, including Oleinium (Ulcinj) from 'wolf 
(ukas), although the ancients preferred a connection with Col- 
chis. There is no question but that lllyrians acknowledged 
supernatural forces and identified deities whose power was 
expressed in the vicissitudes of daily life, health and sickness, 
natural abundance and disaster. Symbolic forms appear in every 
variety of ornament. Most common of all is that of the sun, 
to which were related birds, serpents, horses and the swastika, 
which is seen to represent the solar movement. Among the 
Liburnians and their Venetic neighbours the image of the sun- 
boat depicts the sun-disc being borne across the firmament. In 
Slovenia models of a horse-drawn cart may represent Phae- 
thon's chariot, a Creek myth centred around the head of the 
Adriatic. Among the northern lllyrians symbols associated with 
sun-worship include those of water-fowl and horses along with 
several geometric motifs, but in the south the serpent is more 
prominent. The cult of the sun among the l'aeonians, who 
dwelt between the Macedonians and Dardanians, is described 
by a writer of the second century ad as focused on a small disc 
at the top of a long pole (Maximus of Tyre, Philosophoumena 
2.8, 6)* 

M Benac 1984a (spiritual culture), Stipccvic 1981 (cult symbols), Vasic 1974b 
(Paeonian sun-worship), Marovic 1970 (Liburnian sun-worship), Medini 
1975 (Japodian religion), Orec 1987 (hill-top sanctuaries near Posusje and 
Ljubuski), Stare 1973 (sceptre in Smarjcta burial), Crcmosnik 1968 ('orans' 



/ ife .mil Death among lllyrians 



1 i '' 



The image ol the serpent was a potent symbol, especially 
among the southern lllyrians. Even m the Roman period altars 
were dedicated in Dardania (near Skopje) to the serpentine pair 
Dracon and Dracaena. It was the common terminal ornament 
for pins, bracelets, necklaces, pendants, etc. The symbol of 
fertility and potency, the serpent was later seen to represent a 
challenge to the hold of Christianity on the spiritual life of the 
lllyrians. This emerges from the account of St Jerome (a native 
of Illyria) of the life of St Hilarion, who came to Epidaurum 
in ad 365 to free its people from the scourge of the giant 
serpent Boas, reputed to devour cattle and people. The saint 
killed the serpent, and the Christians long remembered the 
victory (Life of St Hilarion 9). In that region the image of the 
serpent evoked not only the legend of Cadmus but also the 
connection between Illyrian Epidaurum and the cult of the 
healing divinity Aesculapius from Epidaurus in Crcece, in which 
the reptile was also prominent. The slaying of the serpent by 
St Hilarion must have had a symbolic impact on the people of 
that region. A list of the figures and devices which appear to 
have had some spiritual meaning for lllyrians would include 
more than 60 items from the pre-Roman and Roman periods. 
Some came from elsewhere, from the plains to the north the 
swastika with horses' heads, from the Celts the use of red 
enamel, from the Bronze Age Aegean the double-axe, doves, 
lions and funeral masks, and from further cast the sphinx and 
the cat. The protective and beneficial force of amulets is evident 
in the many examples of such forms as the phallus, the hand, 
the leg and animals' teeth. 26 

Illyrian deities are named on monuments of the Roman era, 
some in equation with gods of the classical pantheon (see figure 
34). There seems to have been no single or dominant Illyrian 
deity and some were evidently worshipped only in particular 
regions. Thus several deities occur only in Istria, including Eia, 
Malcsocus, Boria and Iria. Anzotica was the Liburnian Venus 
and appears in the traditional image of the classical goddess. 
Other local deities were Latra, Sentona and the nymph lea, 

praying in relief sculpture), Knez 1974 (ritual vessel), Bace 1984 (temple 

architecture in Illyrian Albania). 

26 Stipcevic 1981, Glogovic 1988 (snake brooches). 



246 



Roman tlhrlatu 




Figure 34 Relief of Diana and other deities at Opacici, near Glatnoc, 

Bosnia 



worshipped in eastern Istria at a spring still known by that 
name today. Among the Japodes altars were dedieated by the 
tribal leaders at the Privilica spring near Bihac to the local deity 
Bindus, identified with Neptune, the classical god of springs 
and seas. North of the Japodes, the altars to Vidasus and 
Thana dedicated at the hot springs of Topusko reveal the local 



lift and Death among IByrittU 



-• 



Identities ol Silvanus and Diana, .1 familiar combination on 
many dedication in the territory <>i die Delmatae. Sometimes 

the name ol .1 local deity is recorded only in the Latin form, for 
example, Armanis at Dclminium (Duvno) who was evidently a 
war god of the Delmatae, and the Latin Liber who appears 
with the attributes of Silvanus and Terminus, the protector of 
boundaries. The identity of Tadenus, an identity or epithet of 
Apollo at the Roman spa near the source of the Bosna, at 
[lidia, the ancient Aquae S., is not known and the name may 
be <>f Thracian origin. From the same quarter of the Balkans 
the cult of the Thracian horseman spread into the lllyrian lands 
during the Roman period, appearing in the familiar image of 
the galloping rider with the short cloak streaming out behind. 
The lllyrian town Rhizon (Risinium) on the Gulf of Kotor 
had its protective deity Medaurus, named on dedications to 
Aesculapius at the legionary fortress Lambaesis in Africa by 
the legate, a Roman senator and native of Risinium, in the 
reign of Marcus Aurelius (161-169). The god, who is also 
commemorated at Risinium, is described in the verses of the 
text as riding on horseback and carrying a lance. 27 

lllyrian taste in artistic ornament was non-representational 
and geometric, with combinations of triangles, diamonds and 
diagonal lines incised on metal objects and pottery. The absence 
of figured ornament may reflect the apparent lack of mythology 
or anthropomorphic cults. This seems to be the only consistent 
feature in the art of the Illyrians that appears with the developed 
Iron Age of the eighth century bo Later developments may be 
attributed to outside influences, notably archaic Greece and 
Etruscan Italy. By the sixth century a new warrior elite at 
Glasinac and in Dolensko shows a taste for imported objects 
with figured decoration. From this may have developed some 
technical skill in producing figured ornament. The remarkable 
Simla art with its great variety of figured decoration appears 
to have been a transplant from northern Italy. Even if lllyrian 
chiefs were patrons of the local craftsmen making the situlae, 
along with decorated belt-plates, the objects and the scenes 

27 Stipcevic 1977a, 193-6, Wilkes, 1969, 255 (Medaurus), Degrassi 1970 
(Istrian cults ), Cambi 1980 (Anzotica), Medini 1984 (Larra), Zaninovic 
1984a (Liber), Patsch 1900 (Japodes). 



Roman lUyrim 

they depict do not appear to be matched in the local material 
culture. Hence the curreni theory that they were the work of 

immigrant craftsmen using a repertoire oi exotic scenes and 
motifs. The origin of the ornament on Japodian funeral urns 
is less clear. Some of the carving, which seems to imitate the 




Figure 35 a) Tombstone of mother and daughter in native style with 
Greek epitaph, from near Apollonia 




Figure 35 Continued 
c) Portrait reliefs on family tombstones from near Glamoc, Bosnia, 




Figure 35 Continued 
d) Tombstone with Latin epitaph, with depictions of jewellery (above) 
and textile motifs (below), from near Sinj, Dalmatia 



252 



Roman lllyrians 



incised ornament of metal, may derive from the situlae, but 
production appears to have been the work of native craftsmen 
working in the more austere Illyrian geometric tradition. There 
seems to be little in common between the exceptional situlae 
and Japodian urns and the many locally produced pendants in 
human and animal forms found in the Japodian cemeteries of 
around the same period. These portrayals of animals — horse, 
cock, fish, etc. - in bronze pendants and glass beads, some 
with human features, may have been produced among the 
Japodes but hardly amount to a distinctive Japodian style, 
while the much discussed items of carved amber with human 
features from the grave at Kompoljc arc likely to be imports. 2S 
The stone sculptures from Ncsactium in Istria have no paral- 
lel in the Illyrian lands but are comparable with other finds 
from Adriatic Italy. The carvings appear to have been near life- 
size statues of domestic deities, probably erected at a shrine in 
the Early Iron Age. The most striking piece depicts a naked 
woman cradling a child in her arms, carved in high relief from 
a single block. Another fragment, perhaps belonging to the 
same piece, depicts a male rider and horse. There arc also 
several naked male figures, a female head and a horse's head, 
while some other fragments arc decorated with spiralform orna- 
ment, meanders and swastikas. Since they were discovered at 
the beginning of the twentieth century, estimates of their date 
and significance have varied greatly: one opinion linked them 
with the art of Mycenaean Greece, but now a local origin and 
a somewhat later date for the ornament is preferred. On the 
other hand, the double-headed fragment of sculpture, now in 
Pula but perhaps also from Nesactium, has a distinctly Greek 
appearance in the 'barbaric' style. An obvious connection with 
the Greek world is Spina, a trading post near the mouth of the 



2f< Stipcevic 1963, Grbic 1971, Covic 1984b, Gabrovec 1984, (northwest 
lllyrians), Vasic 1986 (metal ornament}, Kncz 1984 (Simla ornament), Vasic 
1969 Japodian pendants), Foltiny 1970, Dular 1978 (animal ornament in 
Slovenia), Rendic-Miocevic 1984 (art among Illyrian Riditae), Stipcevic 1976 
(Illyrian and Albanian symbolism), A. Jovanovic 1989 (iconography of 
Illyrian belt-plates). 



I i/c and Death among lllyrians 



I'o established under (.ark hegemony in the sixth century 
B< , the date which is also widely accepted lor the Nesactium 
sculptures. 

It is hard to detect any impact on Illyrian art from the arrival 
of Gelts in the Danube basin, but the reverse is the case when 
lllyrians came under Roman rule. Thanks to the rapid spread of 
stone carving, the early Roman period offers an unprecedented 
range of authentic Illyrian images, both figured and abstract, 
which vividly portray local identities and traditions even among 
the more remote communities (see figures 35a-d). Liburnian 
"house' tombstones and the cremation chests of Delmatae and 
japodes have already been noted, but there are also the anthro- 
pomorphic stelae from Sinj and the tombstones, some still in 
situ, from a cemetery of the early Roman period at Pljevlja in 
northern Montenegro, where the human features rendered in 
low relief have eerie unrealistic proportions, with elongated 
faces and pointed chins. Some local craftsmen appear to have 
been so conditioned by the long traditions of wood-carving 
that they reproduced in stone the latter's familiar texture and 
longitudinal graining. This may be the explanation for the 
remarkable late Roman funeral relief from Zenica in central 
Bosnia depicting four figures in traditional Illyrian dress (figure 
26). Illyrian figurative art dissolves in a local Roman provincial 
art, though its concluding phase proved to be its richest and 
most varied. One can, it is true, discover in later eras the 
survival of Illyrian forms and ornament, but the artistic evol- 
ution that began with the developed Iron Age of the eighth 
century bc; finally vanished with the Slav settlements of the 
sixth and seventh centuries ad. 10 



29 MIadin 1966, 1980, Stipcevic 1977a, 217-18 (Spina connection). 

,0 Rendic-Miocevic 1984, Gabriccvic 1980, 1983, Cremosnik 1957 (Bosnia), 
Ccrmanovic-Kuzmanovic 1973, 1978, 1980 (Pljevlja), Srejovic and Ccrma- 
novic-Kii7.manovic 1987 (Serbia). 



9 



Imperial lllyrians 



Emperors from Illyricum 

Until around the time of Hadrian (ad 117-138) the Roman 
Empire was in the charge of a ruling minority, maml\ of Italian 
origin, that was easily distinguishable from the subject peoples 
in the provinces. The hitter's tribute provided most of the pay 
for the professional army. They were ruled by Roman senators 
with near absolute authority, either as legates of the emperor, 
commander-in-chief of the armies and chief citizen [princess) 
of the Roman state, or, in the case of the more civilized areas, 
as an acting magistrate (proconsul) appointed by the Roman 
Senate. Unlike some of the native aristocracies in Gaul, Spain 
or North Africa, the Illyrian native elite made little headway 
within this imperial hierarchy. As a whole the Illyrian contri- 
bution to the Empire during the two centuries following the 
conquest consisted mainly of military service, conscripted or 
voluntary, in the auxiliary regiments of the army, which after 
service brought the reward of Roman citizenship, and in the 
imperial fleets. On the civil side the incorporation of native 
Illyrian communities as Roman cities (municipia) spread the 
citizenship among local families, whose social status and liab- 
ilities to civic office would, in theory at least, be defined by the 
periodic census of Roman citizens and their property. 

Except among the Eiburnians, no existing Illyrian communi- 
ties were organized into Roman cities before the Flavian era 
(ad 69-96). When the limit of Italy at the head of the Adriatic- 
was fixed in eastern Istria, the relegation of the Liburnians to 



Imperial lllyrlam 



provincial status maj have been offscl In grants ol city status, 
.mil in a few cases ol Italian status, to mam small communities 
in that area, l ew Liburnian natives are recorded without the 
Roman citizenship and main have the family names of early 
Roman emperors, Julius or Claudius. In southern Liburnia 
some of the larger pre-Roman settlements appear to have been 
rapidly converted into urban centres in the Roman style, with 
public buildings and other amenities being inserted within the 
perimeter of earlier walls, notably at Asseria (near Benkovac), 
Inn similar conversions took place elsewhere. In this area only 
the colonial settlement at Jader (Zadar) remained under the 
domination of settlers. During the Julio-Claudian period the 
coastal towns established by settlers from Italy appear to have 
remained estranged from the native population: at least that 
remains the impression from the epigraphic evidence which 
generally depicts the well-to-do, although the labouring and 
servile classes are likely to have been of native origin. 1 

Hie Romans appear to have made good use of the seafaring 
talents of the lllyrians, some of whom may have made a signifi- 
cant contribution to Augustus' decisive victory at Actium in .\ I 
B< . In the course of the civil wars that followed the death of 
Nero in ad 68 we learn that the imperial fleet stationed at 
Ravenna consisted of recruits mainly from the Illyrian provinces 
I'annonia and Dalmaria, and that state of affairs is borne out 
by the epitaphs of sailors not only from Ravenna and other 
stations but also, though to a lesser degree, from the other 
major fleet based at Misenum on the Bay of Naples. It is 
interesting to observe in the recorded tribal origins that recruits 
were drawn not only from the coastal peoples but from those 
of the interior, such as the Maezaci in northwest Bosnia, and 
that the qualities demanded for the service were not necessarily 
of those brought up to the sea. During the Julio-Claudian and 
Flavian periods lllyrians were not enlisted in the legions, for 
which the citizenship was required, and legions stationed 
among the lllyrians continued to draw recruits from Italy or 
from the colonies established in the Danube region. On the 
other hand, one cannot rule out the possibility that several of 



'Wilkes 1969. Sine 1971 (Bribir), 19"6a. 



Roman lllyrians 



those who appear on tombstones with Roman nanus and 
origins were in faci native lllyrians whoso lack of legal qualifi- 
cation was suppressed by the recruiting officer desperate to 
make up his quota. There is no lack of evidence for the unpopu- 
larity of military service among the lllyrians. - 

Native urbanization among the lllyrians gets under way with 
the Flavians. In Pannonia the Flavian municipia at Neviodunum 
and Andautonia appear to have been established among the 
predominantly Celtic communities of the Latobici and Varciani. 
Only later, in the reign of Trajan (ad 98-1 17), does the Roman 
citizenship begin to appear among the lllyrian communities of 
southeast Pannonia, the Andizetes, Scordisci and Breuci. Some 
of those who bear Trajan's family name Ulpius may be ex- 
soldiers or belong to their families, to whom the grant of 
Roman citizenship was normally extended. In Dalmatia the 
Flavian municipium at Scardona (Skradin) may have owed its 
existence to a settlement of ex-soldiers, including some from 
the legion at Burnum higher up the river Titus (Krka), where 
a new city had been organized by the reign of Hadrian. Among 
the Japodes of the Lika the chief settlement Arupium, attacked 
by Octavian in 35 bc, became the city of the region with 
Monetium and Avendo probably no more than villages on its 
territory. New Roman cities were created at Rider (Danilo), a 
major settlement of the Dclmatae near Sibcnik, and at several 
places in the interior, 'Old' Bistuc (in the Rama valley), 'New' 
Bistue (in the Lasva valley near Travnik) and in the Drina 
valley at Rogatica and Skelani. 3 

The Flavian municipium Doclea near the I.ake of Shkodcr 
lay at the confluence of the rivers Zeta and Moraca. At the 
now deserted site there are still visible remains of several build- 
ings erected during the early years of the Flavian municipium. 
Within the walls, a triumphal gate led to a paved street flanked 
with statues of emperors. Near the centre lay the forum (60 by 
55 m) to which were attached the basilica (for trials and large 
meetings) and the council chamber (curia). Across the street 
lay the civic baths and two classical temples, each in its own 

2 Vulpe 1925, Marin 1977 (lllyrians in Italy), Protase 1978 (in Dacia), 
Tacitus, Histories 3.12, 50 (Ravenna fleet), Starr 1941, 74-7. 
'Mocsy 1974 (Pannonia), Wilkes 1969 (Dalmatia). 



Imperial lllyrians 



257 



precinct, one ol the official Dea Roma, the other to Diana. 
Several Latin inscriptions record magistrates and benefactors 
ol the city's early years. The basilica was a gilt from Flavins 
Fronto and his wife l lavia Tcrulla, dedicated to the memory 
ol their 15-year-old son l lavius Balbinus, after he had held 'all 
the offices permitted to him by law'. Behind the Roman facade 
ol new names and architecture we can recognize the heirs to 
the old lllyrian kings still pre-eminent in their kingdom. The 
inscribed base of Fronto's statue records that he had undertaken 
expensive offices not only in his native Doclea but also in 
several other Roman cities of the area, including two places 
which had once been colonics of Roman settlers. 4 

In the course of the second century ad most lllyrians belonged 
to a city of the Roman Empire, in the majority of cases based 
on the local unit {civitas) defined by the Romans following the 
conquest. Cities were organized for the plains (polje) inhabited 
by the inland Delmatac, including Delminium (near Duvno), 
Pelva (near l.ivno), Salvium (Glamoc), Novae (near lmotski) 
and Magnum (in the Cikola valley). In Popovopolje the Derae- 
mestae may have been incorporated within the new municipium 
at Diluntum (Ljubinje). Several cities were created in the more 
remote regions of northeast Dalmatia, including the mining 
centre at Domavia (Gradina), Malvesa (Skelani on the Drina) 
and the municipium S. (the name survives only in this abbrevi- 
ated form) at Pljevlja in northern Montenegro. Another fortress 
of the Japodes attacked by Octavian in 35 bc, Mctulum, which 
probably lay in the area of Josipdol, also became a city probably 
before the end of the second century. In Pannonia, Bassiana 
(Petrovci) was organized out of the Scordisci and Cibalae 
(Vinkovci) from the Comacates, both places situated on the 
major roads of the Danube area. Other Hadrianic cities among 
the Pannonian lllyrians include that of the Jasi at the spa 
centre Aquae Balissae (Daruvar) in the Papuk hills. In Moesia 
Hadrian's only known foundation was Ulpianum (Gracanica 
near Pristina), likely to have been closely linked with the mines 
(metalla Ulpiana) on mount Zegovac. Cities were also 



4 Wilkes 1969, Suic 1976a, Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic, Srcjovic and Velimir- 
ovic-Zizic 1975 (cemetery). 



Hum, in lllyrlani 



organized .11 the strategic crossroads Naissus (Nis) ami .11 two 
places in the Morava valley, Margum (OraSje), near the mouth, 
and Horreum Margi (Cuprija), an important river crossing. In 
the south the new city at Socanica in the Ibar valley, probably 
named municipium Dardanicum, was another 'mining town' 
connected with the local workings [metalla Dardanica).^ 

Most of these new cities were a means of concentrating local 
authority and resources along the major roads, within easy 
reach of central authority. When compared w ith other provin- 
cials the Illyrians were 'late developers' in the spread and 
reception of urbanization. The second century ad saw increas- 
ing interference in local affairs by the central authorities. The 
compulsion to undertake magistracies and other expensive civic 
offices was now intensified and 'office-dodgers' were pursued, 
as more and more of the wealthy strove to gain the precious 
exemptions from the burdens of local municipal office. It is 
hard to see any of these new cities, in which the natives were 
forced to concentrate their wealth, amounting to much more 
than another clement in what was becoming regarded by the 
state as the essential fabric of government. Those local worthies 
who appear as magistrates will have become locked into a 
system of imperial requisitions and burdens for which they and 
their family property would be held accountable, especially 
when there was a war on, as there often was somewhere on 
the Danube frontier. Descendants of these Illyrians could only 
improve their condition by advancing higher within the system, 
and for most Illyrians the only real prospects lay with a career 
in the army.'' 

The new cities will have affected not only the upper classes 
who appear on Latin inscriptions holding municipal office but 
also the mass of the people whose life was still based on tribal 
relationships, a process of change which may have already 
begun among the southern Illyrians in the Hellenistic period. 
In the previous chapter we have seen how inscriptions and 
sculptures of the Roman period furnish valuable evidence for 

s Wilkes 1969, Mocsy 1974. Also Pasalic 1967, Bojanovski 1988 (Bosnia- 
Hcrccgovina), Mirkovic 1968 (Moesia), Cvetkovic-Tomascvic 1983 
(Ulpiana), Bage 1986 (Roman cities in Illyrian Albania). 

h Millar 1983 (municipal burdens and exemptions). 



Imperial Wyriani 



2S«) 



the way oi hie ami beliefs <-l native lib nans. Iii the matter ol 
assessing Romanization the persistence ol native names and 
Other traditions tends to be judged as an indication of the 
superficiality and weakness ol Roman influence. Another view, 
advanced by the I liinganan scholar A. Mocsy, argues that the 
true picture is quite different. The existence of any sort of 
epigraphic and sculptural evidence must in itself be regarded 
as telling evidence for profound Roman influence. Roman 
influence was not present when there is no evidence of this 
sort, and many Illyrian communities fall into this category. In 
the matter of religious cults some have argued that Silvanus, 
whose worship was widespread among the Illyrians, was really 
a native deity and that his popularity down to the third century 
indicates a resistance to the official Roman pantheon, Jupiter, 
|uno, Minerva, Mars, etc. Some have discovered in the rep- 
resentations of Silvanus with an erect phallus a connection with 
pre-Roman fertility cults. Against this Mocsy responds that 
there is really nothing in the Illyrian version of Silvanus that is 
not also to be found in the original Italic version. Rather than 
being regarded as an assertion of native Illyrian identity the 
cult is expressive of standardized, colourless Latin-speaking 
Roman provincial culture. This was the cultural background 
of the unsophisticated but conscientious Illyrian emperors of 
the third and fourth centuries. The Roman epithets of Silvanus 
also indicate the range of his appeal to the rural Illyrians, 
Domesticus, a bearded countryman with the vine- or fruit- 
pruning knife, with his dog; Messor is Silvanus the protector 
of the harvest, and Silvestris, often with Diana and the Nymphs, 
is the rural woodland identity, including hunting.' 

The Romans of Illyricum came to prominence in the Empire 
suddenly as a result of the civil war following the death of 
Commodus in ad 192. On 9 April 193 the governor of Upper 
l'annonia L. Septimius Scverus was proclaimed emperor by his 
legions and within less than two months he was ruling in Rome. 
The new emperor dismissed the existing Praetorian Guard, 

7 Mocsy 1974. Local Silvanus: Rendic-Miocevic 1967, 1979-80, 1975b 
(Dclmatac), Cambi 1968 (Attis .dentity), Gunjaca 1968-9 (Ridi(ac), Bojanov- 
ski 1977-8, Paskvalin 1979 (Silvanus and Nymphs), 1985-6a, 1985-6b, 
Marijasic 1985 (Istria). 



2M> 



Roman llhrlam 



which was recruited mainly from Italy, and replaced u with .1 
new force of twice the size (over 10,000) drawn from the 
Pannonian and adjacent provinces. Within a few years a new 
legion, recruited from the same area, was stationed at Alhanum 
a few miles outside the capital. The impression made by the 
troops of Scverus on the people of Rome is descrihed by the 
historian Cassius Dio, Roman senator and eye-witness of these 
events: 'Severus filled the city with a throng of motley soldiers 
most savage in appearance, most terrifying in speech, and most 
boorish in conversation' (75.2, 6). Unfortunately the soldiers 
from Illyricum were a lasting presence in Rome, as new recruits 
to the (luard continued to be drawn from the Danube lands, 
a reward to the provincial soldiers for loyal service, with pros- 
pects of further promotion. The Romans as a whole did not 
like them: 30 years after their arrival we hear of a night- 
time assault on the jurist Ulpian, then head of the imperial 
administration, and on another occasion a three-day battle 
between the townspeople and the Guard ended only when the 
worsted soldiery began setting fire to major buildings. Cassius 
Dio himself was hounded out of the capital because he had 
once been an unpopular governor of the soldiers' homeland. 
To the Roman middle and upper classes the Danubians were 
clumsy, stupid and uncultured - they lacked bumanitas - while 
writers were not slow to embellish older stereotypes of brutal 
soldiery from current experience. s 

Though he was a native of I.epcis Magna in Africa and 
married to a Syrian princess, Scverus and his regime were most 
attentive to the army and its homeland which had put them in 
power. At its beginning the Severan campaign had been blessed 
by local native priests, while the personal links between the 
imperial family and the frontier towns were fostered. After the 
conclusive victory at Lyon in 197 over his western rival some 
officers of the Severan army set up thanksgiving altars to the 
Pannonian and Dalmatian mothers who had nurtured and 
sustained the fighting power of the Danube legions. The pre- 
eminence of that region in the Empire is signalled by the return 
to currency of Illyricum, a regional rather than ethnic identity 



8 M6csy 1974, Sasel 1982 (Genius Illyrici). 



Imperial Ulxruins 



in the Empire, whose leading citizens were known as lllyriciani. 
ili. origin ol this sense ol identity within the Roman world is 
i ( i be found m the years of warfare on the Danube against 
(,•1111. ins and Iranian Sarmatians who sought to enter the 
Roman Empire during the reign of Marcus Aurelius (ad 
I (, I I SO). After the devastation caused by the first attacks the 
emperor himself spent several seasons in Pannonia. Attacks 
were made on peoples across the Danube, possibly with a view 
to extending the Empire into Slovakia and the Hungarian plain, 
hut in the reign of his son Commodus (ad 180-192) an even 
more elaborate cordon of forts and watchtowers was erected 
along the Roman bank of the river. Though there are signs of 
local disturbances, notably with 'bandits' in the southern Balk- 
ans, the Illyrian provinces enjoyed more than half a century of 
peace and rising prosperity. 9 

During the early decades of the third century the army of 
Illyricum became more reluctant to commit its strength else- 
where, while insisting that resources were contributed from 
other areas of the Empire to sustain the exposed frontier on 
the Danube. When that support was threatened the lllyriciani 
did not hesitate to establish their own emperor as a means of 
keeping their hold on the imperial support-system. After the 
end of the Severan dynasty in ad 235 the frontier began to be 
threatened by large numbers of migrating Goths. When this 
happened during the reign of Philip (ad 244-249), Pacatianus, 
the field commander at Sirmium, was made to assume an 
imperial authority by the local interests. He was replaced at 
Sirmium by Messius Decius, a well-connected Roman senator 
who came from a village near Sirmium. His reign acknowledged 
the Illyrian sense of identity, with coins bearing the legend 
"virtus Illyrici', while he too was said to have been an unwilling 
usurper at Sirmium against the authority of Philip. For the next 
few years the central authority kept its hold over the Sirmium 
command until local power was again asserted following disas- 
ters in the reign of Valerian (ad 253-260) until his successor 
Gallienus (ad 260-268) regained control through a 'foreign' 
army drawn from Britain and Germany under his chief general 



9 M6csy 1974. 



262 



Roman Wyriam 



Aurcolus. Ai the same time tin powci <>i i Ik- lllvn.in legions 
was acknowledged with series "I onus bearing their names and 
titles. 1 " 

The Illyriciani rose from humble, often rural, backgrounds, 
through service in the army. One of the first to do so was 
Valerius Maximianus from Poetovio in Pannonia, who was 
promoted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius to command 
several legions and achieved the consulship. He was a 'man of 
action' and the record of his career includes winning a hand- 
to-hand combat with a tribal chief from across the Danube. In 
the next generation the first Danubian to become emperor was 
xMaximinus (ad 235-238), generally known as the Thracian' 
but probably originating from near the Danube in Moesia on 
the border of the Illyrian lands. After completing a campaign 
in Germany he moved the army to Sirmium to face the looming 
danger from the Goths. In spite of his conscientious work on 
the frontiers the Roman establishment treated Maximinus as a 
usurper, affronted by his indifference to the Senate and by his 
incessant demands for money, and in ad 238 two senior sena- 
tors were chosen as emperors. Maximinus then entered Italy 
but suffered humiliating failure in an attack on Aquileia and 
was rejected by his own troops. 1 1 

With the accession of M. Aurelius Claudius in ad 268 follow- 
ing his victory over the Goths at Naissus, the Empire came 
under the control of the leading Illyriciani at Sirmium. The 
new ruler came from southern Illyricum, either Dalmatia or 
Dardania, but his reign ended with his death from a plague at 
Sirmium in ad 270. Rejecting the Senate's proposal of Claudius' 
brother, the Illyriciani chose instead one of themselves, the 
formidable Domitius Aurelianus, probably a native of Sirmium. 
He ended the fragmentation of the Empire in the east by- 
defeating Zenobia of Palmyra, and in the west by deposing the 
Gallic emperor. 12 His most decisive initiative was to abandon 
what was left of the province of Dacia and settle the Roman 
evacuees in a 'New Dacia' south of the Danube, in which the 
two legions of old Dacia were stationed. There must have 
been a judgement that the old conquest of Trajan was now 

"'Mocsy 1974. 

" Symc 1973 (imperial origins). 
l2 M6csy 1974. 



//»//'<■;/.// Illyrlans 



( spendable in the interests of UK in. um. II the reign ol Aurelian 
in. nke. I the high point of lllvn.in power il was also the period 
when the regime of the Illyriciani moved from Sirmium to the 
lentre, and the mobile armies, composed of many units with 
Illyrian titles, lost their close links with their Illyrian homelands. 
Aurelian was succeeded by Probus (ad 276-282), another 
native of Sirmium, who fell out of favour with the army when 
he began to talk openly of a return to a peace-time economy. 
I le is said to have been killed by some of his own troops while 
engaged in planting vines on the Almus mons (Fruska Gora) 
north of his native Sirmium. The biographer implies that his 
death was caused by his expressed ambition to make the army 
redundant, a dangerous notion in any age: 'Soon there will not 
be a Roman soldier. The whole world will manufacture no 
weapons and there will be no requisitions of produce, the ox 
will be reserved for the plough and the horse be bred for peace. 
There will be no wars and no prisoners' (Augustan History, 
life of Probus 20). The army chose another of the Illyriciani 
to succeed him. Cams, who may have come from Narona in 
Dalmatia, was another competent general but died on campaign 
in Persia after reigning only ten months. In the Autumn of 284 
the army, while on its march back from the east, chose another 
of the Illyriciani, C. Valerius Diodes, later known as Diocletian, 
and the Roman Empire entered a new era. 

Aged around 40 at his accession, Diocletian was another ol 
the Illyriciani schooled and promoted by Aurelian, and had 
risen from a humble origin in Salona on the Dalmatian coast. 
When he sought a colleague to share the burdens of rule his 
choice fell on Maximianus, an old army comrade and a native 
of Sirmium. Dividing the many pressing tasks between them 
the two Augusti found their arrangement so successful that in 
ad 293 they chose two junior emperors or Caesars to assist 
them. Galerius and Constantius were both Illyriciani, probably 
from Aurelian's New Dacia. For 12 years this college of four, 
the I etrarchy, ruled the Empire with increasing success, though 
their last years were marred by an ill-judged persecution of the 
Christians. Half a century later the historian Aurelius Victor 
pays a qualified tribute to their achievement. 

Illvricum was the homeland of them all. For all their lack of culture, 
their upbringing in the hardships of the country and their military- 
careers proved to he the best possible for the state. Whereas it is 



Rom. 111 Illy tans 



common knowledge thai high minded and well educated mum mul 
to In- more ready i<> find fault, ilu.se wuli .in experience <>t lift's 
hardships, while judging everyone In ilicir merit, pay less attention 
to such details. And they look up to Valerius [Diocletianus] as a 
father, as one would to a mighty god. But the harmony of these 
men was proof that their natural ability and use ol sound military 
experience, such as they had acquired under the command of Aurelian 
and Probus, almost made up for their lack of noble character. 
(Liber de Caesaribus 39.26-28) 

The new regime made great changes in the running of the 
Empire. Frontier armies and defences were strengthened; prov- 
inces were subdivided to make the civil administration more 
effective; currency and taxation were reformed; and govern- 
ment intervention extended even to the regulation of service 
and commodity prices, though that proved a failure. The 
Tetrarchy was the climax of more than half a century of rule 
by lllyriciani. 1 1 

Diocletian's plans for an orderly transmission of power 
through the promotion of Caesars to Augusti foundered on 
family ambition. After several years of confusion following the 
retirement of Diocletian in ad 305, Constantine, the son of 
Constantius Caesar, defeated Maxentius, the son of Maxitn- 
ianus Augustus, in a battle at the Milvian bridge on the outskirts 
of Rome in ad 312. The battle, which decided who was to rule 
in the west, was later famous for Constantine's use of the 
symbol of Christianity, and was commemorated by the arch 
erected in his honour at Rome. In ad 324 it was as the champion 
of Christianity that Constantine was able to eliminate his rival 
Licinius, in a battle which marked the victory of the western 
Roman armies over those of the Danube lands. The house of 
Constantine ruled until ad 363. In general they paid little 
attention to Illyricum, although when new emperors had once 
again to be appointed the army chose lllyriciani, Jovianus 
from Singidunum (Belgrade) and then Valentinian from Cibalac 
(Vinkovci) in Pannonia. Though regarded by the historian 
Ammianus as the leader of an 'Illyrian clique', Valentinian paid 
no special attention to the needs of his homeland. He did not 



11 Williams 1985. 



imperial lllyriam 



2(.S 



reside a( the old headquarters in Sirmium and made little 
response n> petitions from Ins distressed fellow-countrymen 
during Ins visit m ai» 375, the year «>l Ins death. Sirmium was 
no longer the vital hinge ol the l-mpire but merely a peripheral 
region between east and west as the two halves began to move 
apart towards the end of the fourth century. 14 

Roman Illyricum ended on 9 August ad 378, when the 
emperor Valens and his armies were wiped out by the Goths 
in a battle at Adrianople in southeast Thrace. These, along 
with Alans and Huns, had been permitted to enter the Empire 
a few years earlier. Within a year a large number of the invaders 
moved west and took possession of a good deal of Roman 
Pannonia. They could not, like earlier settlers, be incorporated 
in the structure of Roman Illyricum. There were too many of 
them and they had no intention of being settled on marginal 
land as farmers and taxpayers. The Roman administration 
collapsed and the barbarians took to raiding other areas for 
the supplies they needed. The poet Claudian depicts Pannonia 
in these years as being in a state of permanent siege. St Jerome, 
an Illyrian who came from a town called Stridon near the 
border of Dalmatia and Pannonia, presents a distressing 
account of his native land. In ad 380 he writes that his home- 
town was in ruins (Famous Men 65) and then a few years 
later that 'everything has perished' (Commentary on Zephaniah 
1.676). Other writers of the period also refer to a devastated 
Qlyricum. Early in the fifth century what remained of the 
overland route across Illyricum linking east and west was 
severed by further invasions. The roads were packed with 
refugees fleeing south to Italy and the Adriatic. On the Dalma- 
tian coast their numbers and distressed condition became a 
problem for the authorities. The sense of finality felt at the 
time is reflected by the removal of martyrs' bones from shrines 
that would soon have to be abandoned to the most feared of 
all invaders, the Huns. 15 

The persistence of Roman place-names in several areas of 
Illyricum suggests the survival of Latin-speaking communities, 

14 Mocsy 1974 

" Claudian, On Slilicho's Consulship 2.191-207 (LCL vol. 2 p. 16), Mocsy 
1974 (translation of martyrs). 



Roman tllyrians 



notably in that region near the Danube where Aurclian had 
settled the people moved out ol Dacia. It was from these and 
similar communities in the southern Balkans that emerged the 
Vlachs and the Romanians, whose varieties of Romance langu- 
age are descended from Latin-speaking pastoralists. In Dard- 
ania the old Roman city of Scupi (Skopje), destroyed by an 
earthquake in ad 518, was abandoned as its Romanized popu- 
lation chose to remain in the surrounding hills, near to the 
safety of hill-top refuges. The need for local security was upper- 
most in the great programme of fortress building and recon- 
struction throughout Illyricum described in the sixth century 
by Procopius. In the southern Balkans it was the dispersal of 
the Latin-speaking population from the major centres which 
led to a survival of Roman traditions in several remote areas. 
In some places these changes involved the reoccupation of the 
ancient Illyrian hill-forts. When the emperor Justinian sought 
to re-establish Roman Illyricum in the sixth century ad, that 
essential foundation of strategically placed cities in the valleys 
created in the first and second centuries ad, linked by policed 
roads and bridges, no longer existed. Alongside Latin the native 
Illyrian survived in the country areas, and St Jerome claimed 
to speak his 'scrmo gentilis' {Commentary on Isaiah 7.19). In 
Dalmatia many Illyrian names survived into the Middle Ages 
but for Illyricum as a whole the invasions at the end of the 
fourth century destroyed not only the structure of the Roman 
province but possibly a good deal of the older native Illyrian 
cultures which had survived within it. In the words of Mocsy 
(1974, p. .158), the lllyrians, like the Celts and Thracians, - 
'dissolved in the sea of later conquerors, simply for the reason 
that during the long period of Roman rule they had lost their 
native culture and were unable to utilize their language as a 
means to a political life of their own." The question of Illyrian 
survival and that of a continuity between them and the Albani- 
ans during the early Middle Ages will be considered in the 
second part of this chapter."' 

Ih Winnifrith 1987 (Vlachs); Scupi: Chronicle of Count Marcellirms AD Sift 
(MGH Chronica Minora 2, p. 100). I.ate Roman refugia: Bojanovski 1979 
(Kljuc, Bosnia), Cerova 1987 (Albania), Pahic 1981, Ciglcnccki 1987 
(Slovenia). 



Imperial lllyriam 



1<>7 



Medieval ami modern lllyrians 

When Leo was emperor in Constantinople (ad 457-474) three 
young Illyrian peasants escaped rural poverty by walking to 
the capital from their village ol Bederiana in Dardania to join 
the army. When they arrived with nothing but some biscuit 
wrapped in their cloaks, their fine physique gained them admis- 
sion to the guard. One of them, Justin, rose to command the 
ralace Guard and became emperor on the death of the aged 
Anastasius in ad 518. Justin (ad 518-527) and his nephew 
|ustinian (ad 527-565) were the last Illyrian emperors and, 
like their predecessors of the third and fourth centuries, applied 
themselves to the task of ruling with energy and determination. 
Under Justinian the Empire recovered territories lost in the 
previous century, Africa from the Vandals and Italy from the 
Ostrogoths. The sixth-century lllyrians were, also like their 
predecessors, mocked for their lack of education, notably by 
Procopius who makes Justin a near illiterate. Justinian, who 
came from the neighbouring village of Tauresium, had been 
called by his uncle to the capital for his education and was 
soon managing affairs of state on the latter's behalf. The origin 
of the family in northern Dardania was later marked by the 
new city Justiniana Prima, on a ridge above the village of 
Caricin Grad in southern Serbia, 20 miles west of Leskovac. 
The walls enclose an area 500 by 215 metres, with an inner 
acropolis at the northwest. Internal arrangements were based 
on two streets flanked with colonnades, with a circular forum 
at the intersection. Most of the interior appears to have been 
taken up with several churches, some of which had mosaic 
decoration. Justiniana Prima was made the scat of the arch- 
bishop of Dardania and was granted many privileges by a law 
issued in ad 535. |T 

The northern regions of Roman Illyricum, the old province 
Pannonia, were occupied by Avars and Lombards, but southern 
Illyricum remained an important source of manpower for the 



17 Procopius Secret History 6.2 (Justin), Kondic and Popovic 1977 
(Justiniana Prima). 



2«>X 



Roman lUyriam 



imperial army. Most ol the rcconqucsts in the western Mcditer 
rancan were achieved by troops from the southern Balkans. 
The security of these homelands was now based on local strong- 
holds, either new or refurbished, many of which are listed by 
Procopius in his work Buildings. Although the historian credits 
Justinian with the new fortifications, they were the result of a 
reconstruction begun probably by Anastasius. The network ot 
small forts, whose construction will have been a burden on 
local communities, represented a passive defence from a basis 
of limited control over the countryside. Below Singidunum 
(Belgrade) the Danube was intensively fortified. A new city 
Justinopolis was created in Dardania and the defences of Ulpi- 
anum, Naissus and Serdica were repaired. In the southern 
Balkans 43 new forts were built and 50 existing ones repaired 
in the provinces of Old and New Epirus, 46 in Macedonia and 
a similar number in Thessaly. In spite of all these efforts, 
according to Procopius in his hostile Secret History (18.20), 
Illyricum was ravaged almost every year of Justinian's reign by 
Huns and Slavs, causing many Roman casualties and so much 
destruction that the place became another 'Scythian desert'. 1 * 
The migrations of the Slavs from the region of Poland began 
early in the Christian era. By the fourth century they had 
reached the old province of Dacia, where they were overrun 
by the Huns. Early in the sixth century they moved across the 
Danube in the direction of Epirus and Macedonia. By 5.56 they 
had reached the Adriatic, in 548 Dyrrhachium, and in the 
following years there arc several reports of Slavs on the move 
in Illyricum. Though hardly welcome, the newcomers were 
not everywhere destructive raiders and made no challenge to 
imperial authority. Some, it is true, were feared for their cruelty 
and were said to leave behind a trail of corpses. Their weapons 
were spears and the bow, sometimes using poisoned arrows. 
They could cross major rivers but learned only later how to 
take towns with ladders and machines. In the end it was the 
dominance of the Turkic Avars in the Pannonian plain that 
made the Slav raids such a threat to Illyricum during the later 
decades of the sixth century, especially when the Avar khagan 



Procopius Buildings 4.1-4, V. Popovic 1988 (Epirus Nova). 



Imperial lllyriant 



Baian captured Sirmium in SS2 following a long siege. After 
some years ol successful resistance Roman Illyricum finally 
disintegrated during the chaotic reign ol Phocas (602-610), 
when large numbers of Slavs moved to occupy Macedonia and 
I lu ss.ilv. Most of mainland Greece was also overrun, and in 
hlh Avars and Slavs combined with Persia in an attack on 
( onstantinople. In the West we learn from the Letters of Pope 
( Jregory that Slavs were threatening Roman towns in Dalmatia, 
and in 6 1 I they raided Istria. In or soon after 612 the Dalmatian 
cities of Salona, Narona, Doclea, Scardona, Risinium and Epi- 
daurum were abandoned in favour of more protected places 
on the mainland or islands. By now the Slavs were free of Avar 
domination and began to form the groups from which the Slav 
states of the Middle Ages began to emerge. 19 

The earliest account of the Slavs who occupied Roman Illyr- 
icum was written by the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogen- 
itus, who died in 959. In his 'On Administering the Roman 
Empire', composed for his son Romanus, eight chapters 
describe the Slavs of Illyricum, with digressions on the early 
history of Croats and Serbs. He lists the surviving Roman 
communities along the coast, including Decatera (ancient Acru- 
vium, modern Kotor), Ragusa (Dubrovnik), to which the 
inhabitants of Epidaurum had fled, Split (Aspalathos, Spalato), 
Diocletian's villa on the coast occupied by refugees from Salona, 
Tetrangourin ( Tragurium, modern Trogir) and Diadora (Jader, 
modern Zadar), and on several islands in the Quamero, Arbe 
(Rab), Vekla (Curictae, Krk) and Opsara (Osor). Constantine 
asserts that the settlement of Croats and Serbs had taken place 
with the acquiescence of the emperor Heraclius in the seventh 
century, as part of a scheme to expel the Avars, though most 
likely this was a later fabrication intended to bolster the claim 
of imperial authority over them. One modern theory holds that 
the two groups were not actually Slavs but perhaps a ruling 
minority of Iranian Sarmatian origin, similar to the Turkic 

"Dvornik 1956, Toynbee 1973, 619-51, V. Popovic 1978 (invasions), 
Kulisic 1979 (Slav paganism). During the siege a citizen of Sirmium wrote 
on a brick a prayer in Greek begging for God"s deliverance from the Avars, 
Brunsmid 189.?. Milctic 1989 (early Slav cemeteries in Bosnia-Hcrccgovina), 
Pasic 1975 (Vardar valley). 



271) 



Roman llfyrtam 



Bulgars, an alien elite later absorbed into the culture <>l their 
Slav subjects. Constantine's account oi the Croats is a valuable 
primary source, listing eleven 'counties - (zupanias) and nine 
towns, of which three had been Roman centres, mainly in the 
south and near the Adriatic but, since it probably derives from 
a local Roman source, omits those communities of inland 
Dalmatia or Pannonia. The Serbs evidently arrived later and 
never reached the Adriatic, but are confined in their historic- 
heartland of the upper Drina and its tributaries, Piva, Tara, 
Lim and Uvac, the upper Morava, Raska and Ibar. Between 
there and the Adriatic were the Zachlumi ('in behind the hills') 
who held the coast between Ragusa and the Neretva. Next to 
these on the south were the Terbuniotes of Trebinje in Popovo 
polje and the Kanalites of Konavle (near Dubrovnik). All three 
were connected with the Serbs and also arc said to have settled 
there with the approval of Heraclius. Between these and the 
imperial territory around Dyrrhachium were Diocletiani, 
named from the then deserted city Dioclea (Doclca near 
Titograd). A reputation for piracy attached to the pagan Narcn- 
tani, who controlled the coast north of the Neretva and most 
of the major islands. 20 

The new settlers did not strive to eradicate the existing 
Illyrian and Roman cultures, and several of their major settle- 
ments grew up on the sites of Roman cities. After more than 
three centuries of silence Latin-speaking communities begin to 
emerge, such as the 'road-travelling' Vlachs at the end of the 
tenth century, and several others are identified in medieval 
sources, Koutzovlachs, Morlachs, Cincars and Aroumani. 
Archaeological evidence has so far been unable to fill the gap 
between the end of Roman lllyricum and the tenth century. 
Few early Slav villages, with their hand-made pottery and 
cremation burials, have been identified in the Illyrian lands. 
Some Slavic material has been found on the sites of Roman 
cities and there are traces of an early settlement near Capljina 

20 Constantine Porpbyrogeiiitus De Administrando lmperio, ed. G. 
Moravcsik, trans. R. J. H. Jenkins, 2nd edn, Washington DC, 1967, and 
Commentary by R.J. H. Jenkins and others, London, 1962. The relevant 
chapters are 29-30 (Dalmatia), 3 1 (Croats), 32 (Serbs), 33 (Zachumli), 34 
(Terbuniotes and Kanalites), 35 (Diocletiani) and 36 (Pagani or (N)arentani). 



Imperial Illy riant 



271 



in the Neretva valley. It seems reasonable to assume that some 
ol the local characteristics exhibited later by Slavs in the Illyrian 
lands were a consequence ot assimilating existing local culture 
(see figure ,?6). The Illyrian heritage ol the Adriatic Slavs is 
even today regularly invoked by Slovenes and Croats, while 
the Albanian claims to an Illyrian ancestry have encouraged 
Slavs to search for traces of their own Illyrian heritage. These 
include similarities in burial rites, stone-lined graves and the 
smashing of pottery; periodic redivision of land on the island 
Tag, similar to that reported for the pre-Roman Dclmatae; use 
of a bread-making mould known in the Illyrian Iron Age; the 
tasselled Lika cap of the Japodes and the taste for tattooing 
which still survive in that area; and the possible descent of 
'Mother Jana', forest goddess of the Balkan Slavs, from the 
Illyrian version of Silvanus. Medieval documents indicate the 
survival of Illyrian personal names, I.icca from Licca/I .icco, 
Batoia from Bato, Pletto from Plator, etc. In the mountainous 
areas the two medieval sources, the twelfth-century priest of 
Duklja (Dioclea) and Thomas the Archdeacon of Split, refer to 
the Svacics (Snacics), who were evidently of pre-Slav origin. 
The Illyrian contribution to Slav popular culture included sev- 
eral less easily documented examples: the 'circle' (kolo) dances 
of the southern Slavs which seem to resemble those on funeral 
monuments of the Roman era; the shepherd's panpipes, five- 
pipes of unequal length clamped together, which appear on 
sittilac and on some Roman reliefs of Silvanus; and some 
polyphonic musical patterns, confined to the Slavs of the Illyr- 
ian lands, which may be of ancient origin. Taken together, and 
there are probably several more examples which could be 
cited, they indicate a significant cultural inheritance but not 
necessarily an ethnic descent from Illy rians. In contrast a direct 
continuity from ancient Illyrians has been claimed, and con- 
tested, for the modern Albanians. 21 
Today's Albania occupies the ancient provinces of Praevalit- 

21 Slav fortresses: Buric 1987 (Bribir), Boskovic, Mijovic and Kovaccvic 1981 
(Uleinj). Illyrian survival: surveys in Benac 1969, Batovic and Ostric 1969, 
Brozovic 1969 (language), I.jubinkovic 1969 (social organization and material 
culture), Stipccvic 1977a, 72-6, 241-3 (music and dance), 261 note 110 
(Svacics), Suic 1967b, 103-4 (Pag), Rendic-Miocevic 1949 (name survivals). 



Figure 36 Early medieval stone relief with traditional native circles 
and Christian cross from near Sinj, Dalmatia 



tmptrial UtyrioHt 



273 



.in.i (in part) .iih! Old anil New l.pirus. The condition of tins 
region .it the end ol the Roman era is hard to assess, hut there 
seems to have heen a collapse ol the inland towns which arose 
in the Hellenistic period, while the more secure coastal cities 
continued to enjoy a relatively prosperous existence. Some 
inland places were protected with the latest type of defences, 
including Scampis (Elbassan) on the Via Egnatia and Vig near 
Scodra. The damage caused by the passage of Alaric's Visigoths 
around AD 400 and Theodoric's Ostrogoths later in the same 
century may have been soon repaired. Their presence may have 
caused the building of several new hill-fortresses, such as Sarda 
overlooking the river Drin (sec figures 37a and 37b). Dating 
of such places is not secure but the horseshoe-shaped towers 
and lack of brick in the construction point to a date after the 
fifth century AD. Around the same time the emperor Anastasius 
ensured the security of his native Dyrrhachium with a new 
perimeter of walls. Little is known of secular architecture, but 
several well-appointed Christian basilicas have been excavated. 
The provincial capital Scodra and Dyrrhachium were scats of 
the metropolitans, and there were bishops at Lissus, Doclea, 
Lychnidus (Ohrid), Scampis, Apollonia, Amantia, Byllis and 
Aulona. The population of this area were Latin-speaking pro- 
vincials, in the interior mainly of lllyrian origin, bur more 
cosmopolitan in the coastal towns. The demarcation between 
the areas of the Latin and Greek languages followed roughly 
the valley of the Shkumbin. 22 

The dispersal of Slavs in the southern Balkans following 
the unsuccessful siege of Thessalonica in 586 resulted in an 
occupation of Praevalitana and the region south of the Shkum- 
bin, a distribution indicated by place-names of Slav origin. 
During the seventh and eighth centuries Dyrrhachium and the 
coast remained under imperial control but the old cities of 
Lissus and Scodra shrank to within their acropolis. The key 
evidence for the population of this period is the Komani-Kruja 
group of cemeteries (see figure 38a). Most arc situated below 
fortresses and some have a church nearby. Their distribution 

"Anamali 1986, V. Popovic 1988; late cemeteries: Karaiskaj 1977-82 
(Zgcrdhcsli, 3rd-4th cent.), Kurti 1976b (Mat valley). 




Figure 37 a) Plan of Sarda fortress, Albania 
b) Gate of Sarda fortress 



is centred on Dyrrhachium, and the general character of the 
remains suggests communities that were town-based and Chris- 
tian. In the opinion of several Albanian specialists these cem- 
eteries represent evidence for a continuity between late Roman 
Illyrians and the medieval Albanians. This view is contested by 
Yugoslav scholars and the argument turns on the origins and 
character of objects deposited with the burials. The graves, 
made of rough stones sometimes with re-used brick, arc mainly 



Figure 38 a) Early medieval cemetery at Komani, near Shkoder, 
Albania, 7th— 9th century ad 



276 



Roman lllyrians 




Figure 38 Continued 
b) Ornaments and jewellery from Komani-Kruja burials, 7th-8th 

century ad 



orientated west-east, with the arms of some of the deceased 
crossed on the chest in the Christian fashion. The plentiful 
contents include pottery and glass, decorated in Byzantine style. 
Jewellery includes filigree earrings, belt buckles, disc-brooches 
with Christian ornament, small pectoral crosses and finger- 
rings engraved with Greek words (see figures 38b and 38c). 
Some of these objects were imports through Dyrrhachium but 
others appear to be local imitation of Byzantine types, and are 



Imperial lllyriam 



177 




not paralleled elsewhere. Dating of many of the graves remains 
uncertain, while some contain several corpses, presumably from 
different generations. The cemeteries seem to have gone out of 
use by early in the ninth century, when the new military 
command {Theme) of Dyrrhachium came into existence. 23 

The Albanian case that the Komani-Kruja cemeteries rep- 
resent a continuity of lllyrians rests on several arguments, 
notably the lllyrian character of the ornaments and the shapes 
of some grave-goods, hemispherical buttons, biconical beads, 

" Anamali 1966, Prcndi and Zheku 1983 (Lissus), Tatari 1984 (Durrcs), 
Mijovic 1970 (Mijclc near Lake of Shkoder), Andrea 1988 (Cermenj), Dhima 
1988 (skeletons), Spahiu 1985 (signet rings), Komata 1971b (medieval 
pottery). Critique of Albanian analysis: V. Popovic 1984, 1988. 



278 



Roman Illy Hans 



bracelets, the bronze hanging-fringes recalling Illy rian orna- 
ments from the Mat valley. Hum- comparisons arc certainly 
valid, but the Albanian case is weakened by a highly improbable 
reconstruction of Illyrian history in this period. This makes the 
Illyrians recover their lost independence during the collapse of 
the later Roman Empire and reassert their ethnic identity 
through liberation from Greco-Roman dominance in material 
culture. This view regards the new fortifications in the area as 
measures against the independent Illyrians. Out of this popu- 
lation came the Arberi of the tenth and eleventh centuries, 
represented by an early tumulus culture in southern Albania. 
The weakness of these arguments for an area where hisrorical 
sources are non-existent seems obvious. There can surely be no 
doubt that the Komani-Kruja cemeteries indicate the survival 
of a non-Slav population between the sixth and ninth centuries, 
and their most likely identification seems ro be with a Roman- 
ized population of Illyrian origin driven out by Slav settlements 
further north, the 'Romanoi' mentioned by Constantine Por- 
phyrogenitus (c.M). This interpretation is supported by the 
concentration of Latin place-names around the Lake of 
Shkoder, in the Drin and Fan valleys and along the road from 
I.issus to Ulpiana in Kosovo, with some in the Black Drin and 
Mat valleys, a distribution limited on the south by the line of 
the Via Egnatia.- 4 

The Albanian language, which belongs to the Indo-Kuropean 
group, has a distinctive vocabulary, morphology and phonetic 
rules which have engaged the attention of many philologists, 
of whom several have confidently proclaimed its origin from 
ancient Illyrian. In the Albanian vocabulary it is possible to 
detect something of the physical, social and economic con- 
ditions prevailing at the time of its formation, through the 
evidence of borrowing from other languages, including Latin 
and Slav. Those from the former relate to city-life, family 

14 Illyrian— Albanian continuity in material culture: Korkuti 1971, Vulpe 
1976', Stipccvic 1976 (symbol's), Meksi 1976 (institutions;, C.jergji 1971, 
1976, Jubani 1970, Zozzi 1976 (dress and ornament), Tirtja 1976 (sun- 
worship), Sako 1976 (dance), Spahiu 1986 (ancient survivals in medieval 
Albanian cemeteries). Criticism of Yugoslav studies: Mirdita 1972, Buda 
1982, but see now V. Popovic 1988 (Romanized survival). 



Imperial lllyriattt 



279 



Structure, agriculture, plants ami fruits ol the plains and marsh- 
lands. I he smaller number ol Slav loans relate to dwellings, 
agriculture and cattle rearing. Plant names ol Slav origin sug- 
gest that contacts took place when Albanians dwelt in the forest 
/one between 600 and 900 metres in altitude, while the words 
relating to the products of higher altitudes, including milk, are 
Albanian. This implies a pattern of seasonal movement between 
pastures, similar to that recorded for the Dalmatian Mavro- 
vlachs who journeyed to the Adriatic towns with cheese and 
wool to exchange for the invaluable salt. This pattern of exist- 
ence explains the late entry of the Albanians in the historical 
record, during the years 1040 to 1080, when Arbanites arc 
found serving in the imperial army. If the Komani-Kruja cem- 
eteries represent a Romanized Christian population bordered 
by new Slav settlements on the north and south, then the 
ancestors of the historical Albanians were pasroral communities 
on the higher ground behind the plains. The tripartite linguistic 
division of the area has been recognized in some late medieval 
documents relating to the Shkoder region. 25 

We first learn of Albanians in their native land as the Arban- 
ites of Arbanon in Anna Comnena's account (Alexuui 4) ol the 
troubles in that region caused in the reign of her father Alexius 
I Comnenus (1081-1118) by the Normans. There seems to be 
no doubt that the root Alb- or Arb- is earlier than Shqip-, from 
which the modern name of the state (Shqiperia) derives, a name 
which appears only in the time of the Turkish invasions. We 
cannot be certain that the Arbanon of Anna Comnena is the 
same as Albanopolis of the Albani, a place located on the map 
of Ptolemy (3.12, 20) and also named on an ancient family 
epitaph at Scupi, which has been identified with the Zgcrdhesh 
hill-fort near Kruja in northern Albania. Moreover, Arbanon 
is just as likely to be the name of a district - the plain of the 
Mat has been suggested - rather than a particular place. An 
indication of movement from higher altitudes in a much earlier 
period has been detected in the distribution of place-names 

"Cabej 1958 (place-names), 1971, 1976, Anamali 1976a, Gjinari 1971, 
1976, Luka 1977, Domi 1976 (Illyrian suffixes), Mansaku 1987 (early devel- 
opment of Illyrian), Katicic 1976a (Illyrian survival wider than Albanian). 
V. Popovic 1988 (significance of loan-words in Albanian). 



280 - Roman Uiyrians 

ending in -esh that appear to derive from the Latin -cnsis or 
-esis between the Shkumbin and the Mat, with a concentration 
betw'een Elbassan and Kruja. This movement wiU have been 
another of the migrations from the hills similar to that which 
marked the Uiyrians' entry into history at the beginning of the 
fourth century bc, and in that sense the migrants may be seen 
as their descendants. On the other hand, it is to be hoped that 
the unfortunate distortions which have marred outstanding 
progress in Albanian archaeology will soon be corrected. As 
new guide-books are demonstrating, the Albanian culture, as 
fascinating and varied as any in that quarter of Europe, is an 
inheritance from the several languages, religions and ethnic 
groups known to have inhabited the region since prehistoric 
times, among whom were the Uiyrians. 26 



"Stadtmuller 1966, Anamali 1971, V. Popovic 1988, Koch 1989 (gui 
book). 



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Index 



abortion, induced by plants, 221 
Absyrtus, brother of Medea, 102 
Acarnania, 104, 149; Acarnanians 

and Hlyrians, 156, 160 
Acelum (Asolo), settlement of 

Veneti, 18.5 
Achaeans, 104; League, 157; 

against Hlyrians, 160; Aetolians 

and Macedonians, 163; Achaea, 

Roman province, 210 
Achelous, r., 10.? 

Acroceraunia (Cape Linguetta), 104 
Acrolissus, fortifications, 133; 

captured by Philip V, 166-7 
Acruvium, in region ot lllyria, 174; 

Roman settlement, 213 
Actium, battle, 187, 255 
Ad Picarias near Apollonia, asphalt 

deposits, 128 
Adaetis of Beroea, envoy of 

Perseus, 172 » 
Adria, I 13 

Adnanople, battle, 265 

Adriatic, 32-3, 37, 39, 41, 45, 51, 

56-8, 63, 68, 70, 84, 87; Greek 

trade and exploration, 91, 94-7, 

102-3, 107, 1 19, 152; 

distrusted, 224 
Adrion (Dinara), int., 188 
Aeacian Walls, Risinium, 136 
Aeacides of Molossians, 124 
Aeacus of Aegina, 136 



Aegean migrations, 33, 36-8, 40; 

civilization, 104 
A(c)gida (Koper), 185 
Aegina, trade, 1 13 
Aemilius Paullus, Roman 

commander in lllyria, 163-4 
Aenona (Nin), 71, 101 
Aepulo, king of Histri, 186 
Aequum, Roman colony, 213 
Aesculapius, cult of healing, 245, 

247 

Aetolia, Aetolians, 103-4; and 
Macedonia, 119, 148, 150; 
against UK nans, I >~ S; 
Macedonians and Achaeans, 
163-4; Roman alliance, 167, 
170 

Agrianes, 122 

agriculture, Illyrian, 220 

Agrippa, admiral of Octavian. 187 

Agron, king of Hlyrians, 115, 129; 
victories, 157-8, 167 

AguntLim, 77 

Alans, in Pannonia, 265 

Alaric, and Visigoths, 273 

Albania, Albanians, 11-12, 20, 
24-7, 30, 32, 35, 38, 41, 44, 46, 
68, 70, 73-4, 87; imports, 92, 
107-8; plain of, 125, 139; 
fortifications in, 194; Illyrian 
origins, 266, 271; language, 278; 
culture and origin, 280 



Index 



327 



Albanopolis ('/genlbesh), I 1 1; ol 

Albani, 279 
Albanum (Albauo), legion at, 260 
Albion, ml., 198, Jill 
Alburnus Maior, Dacia, 75 
Alcetas, king o! I pirns, 119, 125 
Alcinous, 95 

ale, brewed by Hlyrians, 220 
Alexander, historian, 167 
Alexander I, king of Macedonia, 
119 

Alexander 11, king of F.pirus, 146 

Alexander the Great, king of 
Macedonia: birth, 121; Balkan 
campaigns, 122-3, 125, 137; and 
Celts, 137, 139, 146, 150, 156 

Alfoldy, Geza, 70, 74 

Algalsus. chief of Parthini, 174 

Aljudov Manastirica, 48 

Alkman, poet, 183 

Almus mons, (Kruska (iora), 
planted with vines, 263 

aloitis, plant, 85 

Alpes Carnicae/Juliae, 184 

Alps, 37, 68, 91 

Altinuni, Vcnetic settlement, 1 84 
Alypsoi [Lopsica), 101 
Amanda, 96; coins, 129; bishop, 

273 
Amantini, 81 

Amantini (Pannonian): defeated by 
Romans, 207; civitas of 2 17- 1 8 

amber: trade, 101-2, 105; carved, 
141; imported, 225; necklaces, 
233 

Ambracian gulf, 103, 157 
Ammianus Marccllinus, historian, 

on Hlyrians, 265 
Amphipolis, 122, 152 
amphorae: glass, 106; Rhodian 

stamped, 128 
Ampsi (l.opsi), 95 
Amynas, king of Athamanes, 

Illyrian ally, 163 
Amyntas 111, king of Macedonia, 

118-19 
Anamali, S.. 1 1 



Anastasins, emperor, 267-8, 273 
Ancona, 94 

Andautonia, municipium, 25(> 
Andetrium (Muc), fortress, 190, 
197 

Andizetes, 203, 256; civitas of, 217 
Anicius Callus, Roman commander 

in lllyria, victory, 173-5 
animals, in Illyrian art, 252 
Anna Comnena, historian, on 

Albanians, 279 
Antcnor, Trojan, 103, 183 
Antigoneia, 158-9 
Antigonids of Macedonia, 156 
Antigonus (1 Monophthalmos), 

125. 145 

Antigonus Doson, 148; victory over 

Spartans, 162 
Antigonus Gonatas, king of 

Macedonia, 148 
Antipatreia (Bcrat), 98, 130 
Antoninus Pius, emperor, 91 
Antony, pact at Brundisium, 209 
Anzotica, Liburnian Venus, 245 
Aous (Vijosc), r., 92, 98, 112, 130 
Apollo, 136; of Dclos, 102, 112; of 

Delphi, 144 
Apollonia: museum, 10; Greek 
colony, 96-7, 104, 110, 112, 
124, 152, 210; subject peoples, 
127; stamped riles, 128; coins, 
129, 225; buildings, 133; in 
Illyrian war, 160, 162, 166, 168, 
170, 174-5; coin circulation, 
176; bishop, 273 
Apollonius of Rhodes, 102 
Appian, historian, 82, 91-3, 110; 
on Illyrian kingdom, 156; on 
piracy, 163; on Histri, 185; 
Delmatac, 194-6; Scordisci, 201; 
Pannonias, 205 
aprons, gold, 141 
Apsyrtae, 101; Apsyrtides (Cres, 

Mali Losinj), 188 
Apulia, 68; pottery, 130; Hannibal 
in, 164 

Aquae Balissae (Daruvar), city, 257 



Index 



Aquae S. (Ilidia), spa, 2-17 
Aquileia: colony, 153, 184, 186-7; 

wine imports, 221 

attacked by Maximums, 262 
Arabiates, civitas, 217 
Arabo (Raab), r., 217 
Arams, r., 172 
Arba (Rab), 188 
Arbanon, Arbanitcs, medieval 

Albanians, 278 
Arbe (Rab), late Roman settlement, 

269 

Arberi, medieval Albanians, 278 
Arbo, lllyrian town, 161 
Arch of Constantine, 264 
Ardiaci, 99; helots of, 127; and 
Autariatae, 139-40; rise of, 156, 
162, 188, 192; and Romans, 
201, 216; drinking bouts, 221; 
and salt, 223 
Argaeus, ruler of Macedonia, 1 18 
Argentaria, silver mines, 223 
Argo, voyage of, 1 02 
Argonauts, 102 
Argyrunrum, cemetery, 222 
Arion, r., 96, 99 
aristocracy, native lllyrian, 213, 
237 

aristolocheia makra, plant, 85 
Ariston, son of Audoleon, 146 
Aristotle, on Apollonia, I 12 
Armatus, war god, 247 
Armenian, language, 73 
armour, 105, 239; supplied to 

Hlyrians, 119 
Aroumani, 270 

Arrhabaeus, son of Bromerus, 117* 
Arrian, historian, on Alexander in 

lllyria, 123-4, 135, 139-40 
Arsia (Rasa), r., 185, 209 
art, lllyrian, 247 
artillery, siege-warfare, 130 
Arupini, Arupium (Prozor), 

Japodian settlement, 198; 

attacked, 201, 256 
Asia Minor, 31, 33, 39-40; 

migrations from, 67; imports, 

107 



Asinius I'ollio, .ind Delm.it.ic, 146 
asphalt, near Apollonia, 128 
Asseria (Benkovac), city, 255 
Atenica, burials, 105, 241 
Atcste (Este), 76; Venetic 

settlement, 184 
Athenagoras, Macedonian 

commander, 150 
Athens, 93, 101, 103, 107; 
Athenians, 119-20, defeated at 
Delium, 117; avoid Adriatic, 225 
Athesis (Adige), r., 183 
Atintanes/Arintani, 96-7; Roman 

allies, 161-2; allies of Philip, 166 
Attica, imports from, 140 
Attienites (Senites), 95 
Audoleon, king of Paeonia, 144 
Augustan History, on Probus, 263 
Augustus, emperor, 12, 82; Danube 
conquest, 151; controls lllyricum, 
183, 209; Pannonia, 209; victory 
at Actium, 255 
Aulona, bishop of, 273 
Aulus Gellius, writer, on evil eye, 
243 

Aurelianus, Domitius, emperor, 
262-3; and Ulyriciani, 263; 
evacuation of Dacia, 266 
Aurelius Victor, historian, on 

Tctrarchs, 263 
Aureolus, army commander, 262 
Austria, 6, 19, 25 
Autariatae, 75, 92-3, 96, 99, 122, 
205; and Celts and Ardiaci, 139; 
expansion, 140; and Antigonus, 
144; decline of, 145; plague of 
frogs, 141; salt, 223; killed 
wounded, 243 
auxilia, Roman in lllyricum, 212 
Avars, in Pannonia, 267-8; and 

Slavs, 269 
Avendo (Otocac), Japodian 
settlement, 198, 201, 256 
axes, 105; Skodran, 38; Illvrian, 
230; battle, 239; double' 
symbolic, 245 
Axiupolis, 49 
Axius (Vardar), r., 148 



Index 



A/ah, si; civitas, 217 

Babuna, r., 149 

Bacchiads of Corinth, I in 

Backa plain, 23 

Bagrdan defile, 20 

Baian, khagan of Avars, 268-9 

Bakony hills, 13 

Balanus, chief of Gauls, 154 

Balaton, Lake, 68 

Ballaios, king, coins, 177 

Balta Verde, 48 

Baltic Sea, 37; languages, 73 

Banat plain, 23, 30, 55 

bandits, in south Balkans, 261 

Banjaluka, 22 

banqueting utensils, 109 

Barajcvo, 48 

Barakovac, 41 

Ban;, 37, 46 

Bardylis, 120, 126, 149; of 

Dardani, 156 
Bargulium (?Berat), 133 
Bariduum, settlement of Dclmatae, 

190 
Barizani, 237 
Basarabi, 48, 58 
Bassania, lllyrian town, 173 
rs.issiana (Petrovci), city, 257 
Bastamac, and Philip V, 151-2; 

allies of Scordisci, 202, 206 
Batinci, 106 

Bato, Pannonian leader, 197, 207, 

215-16 
Bato, son of l.ongarus, 149 
Batoia, (Bato), lllyrian name, 271 
Batovic, Sime, 56 
Bay of Castles (Kastelanski Zali), 

16 

beads, 105; glass paste, 106; 

amber, 118, 225; biconical, 277 
beans, grown by Hlyrians, 220 
Bederiana, village in Dardania, 267 
Bela Crkva, 34, 106 
Bclacevac, 48 

Belgrade, 30. 48, 68, 83; museum, 
9 

Bcllovode, 47 



bellows, smith's, 22 \ 
Belotic, »4 

belts, 105; Mramorac, 106; belt 

plates, 108, 247; gold, 141; 

silver, 169; buckles, 233, 276 
Benac, Alojz, 9, 39-40 
Bcrat, 15-16; defences, 133 
Berlin, Congress of, 5-8, 26 
Bcroca, wife of Glaucias, 124 
Bihac, 54, 57, 79, 197; cemeteries, 

198; shrine, 238 
Bilisht, 17, 47 
bill hook, iron, 221 
Bilvanesti-Vinj, 48 
Bindus Neptunus, shrine, 200, 238, 

246 

Birkenna, daughter of Bardylis, 125 

Bistra mountains, 18 

Bistuc, 'New' and 'Old', Roman 

cities, 256 
Birola (Monastir), 18, 49 
Bjclasnica mis., 21 
Black Drin (Drin i Zi), r., 17-19, 

30, 45, 48 
Black Sea. 33. 55, 102, 107, 152 
Blandona, 71 
Blato, Korcula, 5 I 
Blaz, Mar valley, 30 
boar, wild, 222 
lie ms, serpent cull. 1A S 
Bocotia, 104 
Boii, 82; civitas, 217 
boils, healed, 22 I 
Bojana, r., 15 
Bologna, 40 

bone, dagger handle, 141 
Bononia, 83 
Boria, Istrian deity, 245 
Bosanska Gradiska, 51 
Bosna, r., 22, 51, 203 
Bosnia, 22, 24, 32-5, 39, 41, 

50-1, 54, 57-8, 65, 70-1, 74, 

140 
Bosut, r., 55 

Bouthoe (Budva), 96, 99, 168 
bows and arrows, lllyrian, 239 
Brae (Brattia), is., 5, 50, 100 



Index 



bracelets, 105 i>, 108, 2 > 1 

Brasidas, Spartan, 1 1 7 

bread, hearths and owns, 231; 

bread wheat, 220 
breastplates, Fllyrian, 239 
breeches, worn by lllyrians, 228 
Breuci, 81, 203, 256;' defeated, 

207; civitas, 217-18 
Bribir, 56 

brick, construction, 128 
brigands, 109 
Brigctio, 81 

Rrindisi (Brundusium!: Roman 

colony, 128, 159, 171; pact of 

40 BC, 209 
Brod near Bitolj, 106 
Bronze Age, imports, 37-8 
bronze crater, 106; vessels, 105; 

hydria, 106; brooches, 105-6; 

figurines, 108; Creek imported, 

141; pendants, 252 
bronze-working, smith, figurine, 

108; Osanici, 194, 204, 223 
brooches, gold, silver and bronze: 

imported, 169; spectacle, 203; 

with amber, 225; Liburnian, 

231; Certosa, Strpci, 233; disc, 

276 

Brutus, conspirator, I I 1 
Bryges, at Epidamnus, 111, 145 
Bubanj, 35 

buckets and cauldrons, 230 

Budva, 15, 108 

Btigojno plain, 22 

Bulgars, Bulgarian empire, II, 19, 

48; origin, 270 
Bulic, Frane, 6 
Bulini, Bulinia, 95-7, 100 
bunje, shepherd's hut, 227 
bura (bora), 24 
Burgenae, 83 

burials: princely, 106; Atenica, 
140; practice, 241-2; earlv Slav, 
271 

Burim, 30 

Burnum: fortress of Delmatae, 190; 
legionary base, 256 



Burrel, 41, 4S 
Burton, Richard, 6 
Buthrotum, 12"" 
Butmir, neolithic site, 8, 34 
Butrint, museum, 10 
buttons, hemispherical, 2 7T 
Butua (Budva), Roman settlement, 
213 

Bylazora (Titov Vclez), Macedonian 

stronghold, 149-50, 154 
Bylliones, 97; koinon, 133 
Byllis (Gradisht), 97, 127, 130; tile 

production, 128; coins, 129; 

Roman colony, 213; bishop, 

273 

Cacak, 20 

cacalia, plant, 85 

( adnuis the Phoenician. 96, 48, 

99, 245 
Caecilius Metellus, Roman 

commander against Delmatae, 

194-5 
Cakran, 32 
Calabria, 68 
Calafat, 55 

candelabrum, bronze. 106 
Cannae, battle, 163 
canoes, dugout, 222 
Canosa, helmet, 108 
Cape Linguetta (Kep i Gjuhczes), 
15 

caps, lllyrian, 229; tasselled, of 

Lika, 271 
Capljina, Slav settlement, 271 
C.irantanus, mons, 77 
Carantum, 77-8 
Caravantius, half-brother of 

(lent ius, 173-4 
Caricin Grad jjustmiana Prima), 

267 

Carinthia, 77, 81; Carni in, 184 
Carni, 77, 153, 183-6, 197, 218 
Carniola, l ower and Upper. 41, 

57-8, 63, 77 
Carnuntum, 78 
Carpathians, mts., 13, 33 
carpentry, tools, 194 



In. I, v 



( arrodunum, 72 
( arrhage, wai with Rome, 149, 
159 

Carus, emperor, 263 
Cassander, king til Macedonia, 
124. 144 

Cassius Dio, historian: on Roman 
misconduct, 215; on lllyrians in 
Rome, 26(1 

Cassius Longinus, Roman consul, 
153; attacks Japodes, 200 

Cassopeans, 104 

castella (forts), of Delmatae, 190 

castellicri, Istrian, 63 

cat, lllyrian symbol, 245 

Catali, 77 

Catarbates (Krka), r., 95-6, 100-1 

Catari, 77, 81; civitas of, 217-18 

cattle: trade in, 113; breeding, 127; 
tribute, 189 

Caulici, 100 

causca, broad cap, 219 

Cavi, attacked by Caravantius, 173 

Celegcri, civitas, 217-18 

Celtic: names, 71, 75-7, 79, 81, 
83-4; languages, 73-4; dress, 75 

Celts, 12, 63, 82, 87, 92, 94; 
migrations, 67, 188, 201; and 
Alexander, 122, 137; and 
lllyrians, 135; invasions, 137, 
140, 144, 146-7; on Adriatic, 
138; in Po valley, 162, oppidum, 
226; oppidum in N. Italy, 186; 
in Roman Empire, 208 

cemeteries: Hellenistic, Issa, 115; 
prehistoric, 219 

centum languages, 73 

Ceraunian mts., 96 

Ceraunii, civitas, 217 

cereals: exports, 109, 224; 
production, 127, 168 

Cermcnikc, 97 

Cetina, r., 188, 190 

Cetripons, ruler of 'ITiracc, 121 

Chalcidians, I 19 

Chaonia, Chaonians, 47, 91-2, 
95-6, 98, 103-4; urban centres, 
130 



I'll a 1 1 it: mi bin ial, I 41); ol 

Phaethon, 244 
charms, 105 
Chauchitsa, 49 

cheese: lllyrian alpine, 128; trade, 
279 

Chelidones, 98; 'snail-men', 244 
Chersicrates, 1 10 
children, among Liburni, 187 
chisel, for stone and timber, 230 
Christianity, and serpent cult, 245; 

Christian basilicas: Pod, Bugojno, 

204, in Albania, 273 
Chrysondym, 98 
Cibalae (Vinkovei), home of 

Valentinian, 257 
Cicero: and Vatinius, 196; slave in 

Ulyria, 209 
Ciccvica, 1 9 
Cikola, r., 188, 197 
Cimbri, migration of, 203 
Cinamak, 41, 45 
Cincars, 270 

Cincibilis, prince of Gauls, 154 
Cisalpine Gaul, 209 
cities, Roman among lllyrians, 257 
citizenship, Roman, 238 
civitatcs, native lllyrian, 215 
Claudian, poet, on Pannonia, 265 
Claudius, Appius, Roman 

commander at Lychnidus, 173 
Claudius, emperor, and Moesia, 

210 

Claudius, Marcus Aurelius, 

emperor, defeats Goths, 262 
Cleitus, king of lllyrians, 120, 

122-3, 145 
Cleopatra, queen, navy of, 187 
climate, western Greece, 109 
cloaks, military, 154, 228-9 
Clondicus, leader of Bastarnae, 

152-3 
cloth, lllyrian, 128 
Cnidus, settlers, 113 
Coastal Navigation (Periplus) of 

Scylax, 97, 238 
Coastal Voyage (Periegcsis) of 

Scymnus, 97, 102 



132 



Index 



coffin burials, 24 1-2 
coins: (ircck colonies, 106, 115, 
17.5; of Apollonia and 

Dyrrhachium, 11.5; Coreyraean, 
114; silver, 129; IUyrian, 
1 29-50, 175-6; on Roman 

mines, 224 
Colapiani, 81; civitas of, 217-18 
Golapis (Kulpa), r., 81, 206, 217 
Colchians, 102; and Olcinium, 244 
colonies: Roman in Illyricum, 212; 

veteran, 21.? 
Commodus, emperor, 259 
Concordia, Roman colony, 184 
Constantine I, emperor, 264; held 

armies, 2 1 1 
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, 

emperor: on Slavs in Illyricum, 

269-70; on Roman survival, 278 
Constantinople, attacked by Avars, 

Slavs and Persians, 269 
Constantius, Caesar, 263 
conventus, judicial assize, 215 
copper: deposits, 128; mining, 224 
Corcyra (Corfu), is., Corcvraeans, 

69, 95, 101, 103, 110-12, 125; 

attacked by Illyrians, 156, 160, 

162; rewarded, 175; under 

Liburni, 188 
Corcyra (Korcula), Black, is., 95, 

100, 103, 113-15; Roman, 171; 

coins, 176 
Corinth, Corinthians, 101, 103, 

I 10, I 12; Culf, 160 
corn: trade, I 13; on coins, 176; 

tribute, 189; and silver, 223 
Comaaim (Sotin), 83, 217; 

Cornacates, civitas, 217; city, 

257 

Cornelius Scipio Nasica, against 

Delmatae, 190 
Coruncanii, I., and Gn., Roman 

envoys, 159 
Cosconius, against Delmatae, 196 
cosmology, IUyrian, 244 
Covic, B., 39 

Crateia (Brae), is., 95, 100 



cremation chests: Japodes, 198 9; 

burial rite, 242-3 
( reonion, ''8 
( res, is., 32, IDI 

Crete: pirates, 168; mercenaries at 

Uscana, 172 
Crna Gora, Skopska, mts., 18 
Crna Rcka (Black River), r.. 18 
Cmoljcva, mt., 19 
Croatia, 41, 56; Croats, 269-70; 

IUyrian heritage, 2 7 l 
Crvena Stijena, cue, 2S-9 
Crvenica, 50 
Cuccium, 83 
Curictae (Krk), is., 188 
Cusum, 83 

Cyclades, plundered, 163 
Cynoscephalae, battle, 150 

Dacia, 75; late Roman province, 
210; Diocese of, 211; gold 
mines, 224; evacuated, 262; 
occupied by Slavs, 268 

Dacians, 83, 87, 206 

Daco-Moesians, 12, 54 

Dacsitiates, 80, 203, 205; defeat of, 
207; civitas, 216 

Dalj, 55 

Dalmatia, 50, 65, 70, 74, 101; 

Roman province, 92, 197, 203; 

legions in, 211: roads, 212; 

colonies, 213; gold mines, 224; 

sailors from, 226; threatened bv 

Slavs, 269-70 
Dalmatian coast, 26, 35, 71 
dalmatic, tunic, 228 
Damastion: location, 128; coins of, 

176, 223 
dances, IUyrian, 'kolo", 271 
Dando, aged IUyrian, 167 
Danilo Gornje, culture, 33 
Danube, r., 13, 20, 23-4, 31, 33, 

55, 68, 72, 77-8, 82, 8.5-4, 201; 

branch of, 91, 102, 112, 122; 

Roman frontier, 211; fortified, 

268 

Danubians, Roman disdain, 260 
Daorsi, 92, 189; subjects of 



bide* 



Cientius, 171; exempt from 
tribute, 174; coins, I7S, 177; hill 
forts, 192; civitas, 1\<< 
Daortho, K >1 

Dardanelles, and Dardailia, 143 
Dardania, Dardanians, 12, 49, 75, 
S4-S; names, 86; and 
Macedonia, 120-1, 123, 125, 
139-40. 142, 144-6, 150, 152, 
155; slaves of, 127; and Celts, 
148; and Bastarnae, 152; and 
Teura, 158; attack Macedonia. 
162, 170; Roman allies, 172, 
205; Roman province, 210; wars 
with Rome, 210; Roman colony, 
213; civitas of, 218; dirty habits, 
220; serpent deity, 245; 
archbishop, 267 
Dardanus, 92; founder of Troy, 
145 

dardhe, 'pear', 244 
Darius, K. of Persia. 94 
Dassarcnses, tributary to Rome, 
174 

Dassarctii, Dassaretis, 92, 98, 
123-4, 149; taken from Illyrians, 
162; occupied by Macedonia, 
165; Roman base, 170 

Dassaro, 92 

Dazus, on Black Corcyra, I 15 
Dea Roma, temple, 25 7 
Debar, 18, 25. 45 

Debelo brdo, near Sarajevo, .54. 41, 
204 

Debrestc, pass, 150 
Dccatcra (Acruvium), 269 
Decius, Mcssius, emperor, 261 
decuriae, Roman division of native 

peoples, 215, 237 
Delium, battle, 1 17 
Delmatae: names, 70-2, 74-6, 
79-81, 84, 87; and Issa, 99, 
I 16; subjects of Illyria, 171; 
settlements, Roman wars, 
188-197, 201; Roman colonies, 
213; civitas, 216; miners, 224; 
land redistribution, 237; name. 



244; cremation chests, IS I; 

del me, 'sheep', 244; Roman 

cities, 2 5h-7 
Delminium (near Duvno), capital ol 

Delmatae, 188-9; sue, 190, 192, 

247; city, 257 
Delos, is.. Dclians, 102 
Delphi, attacked bv Celts, 144, 

201-2 

Demetrius I, son of Anrigonus, 125 
Demetrius 11, king of Macedonia, 

148, 150, 157 
Demetrius of Pharos, I 15; controls 

Corcyra, 160; succeeds Teuta, 

161-3; defeated, 164; and Philip 

V, 165; marriage, 167; and 

Histri, 185 
Demit Kapija: gorge, 49; 

settlement, 106 
Demosthenes, Philippics, 121 
Deraemestae, civitas, 216, 257 
Deuri, civitas, 216 
Devoll, r., 17, 19, 123 
Devollian ware, .58, 46 
Dexari (Dassaretae), 98 
diadem, IUyrian, 2.5.5 
Diadora (jader), late Roman 

settlement, 269 
Diana: deity, 229, 247; temple of, 

257; and Nymphs, 259 
Dibicak near Suva Reka, 45 
Didymus, commentator on 

Demosthenes, 121 
Diluntum, city, 257 
DIM on IUyrian coins, 176 
Dimalc, Dimallum (Krotine), 

1.53-4; tile production, 128; 

stamped bricks, 13.5; held by 

Demetrius, 163 
Dinaric, mrs.. 1.5-14, 17, 20-1, 

188 

Dindari, civitas, 217 

Diocletian, emperor: reorganization 

of Illyricum, 210; from Salona, 

26.5-4 

Diodorus Siculus, historian, I 14, 
118-21 



HI 



Indi \ 



Diomede, 94, 100 
Dionysius I ol Syracuse, III Is, 
IIS 

Dioscurides, Pedanius, doctor, 85 
Ditiones, Pannonians, 203; civitas, 
216 

Dium, in Macedonia, 173 
Doboj, 29 

Doclca, town, 210; Dodeatae, 

civitas, 216; princcps, 238; 

Roman city, 256; bishop, 273 
Dodona, oracle, 96, 103-4 
docs, on Illy rian coins, 176 
Dolensko, 58-61, 63, 66; helmets, 

240; warrior elite, 247 
Domavia (Gradina): silver mines, 

223; city, 257 
Domesticus, epithet of Silvanus, 

259 

Donja Brnjica, 48 

Donja Dolina: site, 8, 51—2, 55, 

66, 203; needles, crops, 220; 

fishing, 222; settlement, 227; 

burials, hearths, 242 
Donja Toponica, 48 
Donje Orizare, 49 
Donuca (Rila), int., 152 
Dorian tribes, I 15 
doves, [llyrian symbols, 245 
Dracon, Dracena, serpent deities, 

245 

Drau (Drava), r., 22-3 
Draudacum, 86 

Drava, r., 35, 54-5, 68, 77, 79, 
81, 83, 87, 201, 207, 217 

dress, lllyrian, 227-9; imported, 
109; ornaments, 141 

Drill (Drilon), r., 13, 17, 19, 45, 
74, 93, 98-9, 1 1.5, 1 15, 133, 
139; limit of Ulyria, 161-2, 273, 
278 

Drina, r., 21, 82-3, 203, 205, 209, 

217; and Serbs, 270 
Drino, r., 16 
Drinovri, 50 
Drzhanica, 48 
Dub, 48 



Duldja (Diodea), priesi of, 
historian, 271 

Dunarec, 12 

-dunum, in names, 72 

Durres, museum, 10, 15 

Duvno, plain, 188; hill-forts, 190-2 

Dvorovi near Bjelina, 41 

Dymanes, Dorian tribe, I 15 

Dyrrhachium (Durres): Greek 
colony, 72, 110-1 1, 124; and 
Pyrrhus, 125; civil war 
campaign, 128; pottery, 128; 
coins 129, 225; Monunius and 
Mytilus, 146; control of plain, 
168; rewarded, 175; coin 
circulation, 176; Roman, 210, 
212; colony, 213; attacked by- 
Slavs, 268, 270; later city, 273; 
and Koniani cemeteries, 274; 
Theme of, 274 

Dyyrta, 95 

earrings: imported, 106; gold, 141; 

Byzantine, 276 
Egeta, 83 
Kggebrecht, A., I 1 
Egnatius, proconsul, and Via 

Egnatia, 212 
Egypt, 95 

Kia, Istrian deity, 245 

Elbas(s)an, 15, 97, 280 

Elektrides, is., 95, 101 

elektron (amber), 101 

Elis, attacked, 158 

Emona (Ljubljana), 22, 71, 76; 

Roman colony, 213, 218 
Enchelei, 19, 92-3, 96, 98-9; 

'eel-men', 244 
Ennius, poet, on lllyrian weapons, 

239 
Eordaea, 49 

epeiros (mainland), 103 
Epetium (Stobrec), 72, 100, 116, 
189 

F.pliorus, historian, 103, 118 
lipicadus, chief of Parthini, 174 
Epidamnos/Dyrrhachium, 72, 93, 



Index 



>»«.. «»k, I III M, slave trade, 127; 

in lllyrian wars, l 56, 160-2, 17-1 
Epidauruni: Roman »<>li>n\, J I 1, 

216; serpent cult, 24 S; 

abandoned, 269 
Epirus, 12, 38, 47, 69, 92-3, 96, 

104, 156-7; kings ol, I 12; 

invaded: by lllyrians, 118, 125; 

by Cassander, 124; coins, 129; 

decline, 146; control of 

Dardania, 145; masonry 

defences, 133; urbanization, 136; 

and lllyrians, 158 
Kpirus Nova and Veins: Roman 

provinces, 210, 273; Byzantine 

fortresses, 268 
Eratosthenes, 97 
liravisci, 82; civitas, 217 
Eretrians, 1 10 
Eridanus, r., 94 

Erigon (Crna Rcka), r., 123, 150, 

154 
Ervthrae, 110 
Este, 40; culture, 184 
Ktleva, queen of Gcntius, 174 
Etruscans, 59 

Etuta, 85; married to Gcntius, 172 
Euboea, 110 

F.urydicc, queen of Macedonia, 1 1 9 
Evans, Arthur, 6, 8 
evil eye, in lllyria, 243 
exports, raw materials, 109 
extended family, 109 

face-masks, gold, 106 
Fan, r., 45, 278 

Fannius Strabo, envoy to lllyria, 
189 

Faveria, Istrian settlement, 185-6 
Fieri, museum, 10 
finger-rings, 276 
fish, ornament, 252; fishing, 

220-2; hooks and harpoons, 

222; tanks, 222 
Fiume (Rijcka), 25 
Flavian cities, 256 
Flavius Eronto, of Doclea, 257 
fleets, imperial, recruitment, 255 



footwear, lllyrian, --!'' 

Porniio, r., I ss 

fortifications, lllyrian, I 50 

Forum Julii (Gividale di Friuli), 184 

freedmen, Roman imperial, 211 

Friuli, 22 

frogs, plague of, 141, 144 
Eruska Gora, 23 

Fulvius, Roman commander, 161 
Fulvius Flaccus, Roman 

commander, 192 
funeral: ritual, 199; Roman 

monuments, 271 

Gabinius, attacked by Delmatac, 

196-7 
Gabrovcc, Stane, 61 
Gail, r., 76 
Gaj, Ljudcvit, 5 
Gajtan, 127, 130, 133 
Galas, 92 

Galatea, wife of Polyphemus, 92 

Galatians, 92 

Galerius, Caesar, 263 

Galicica, mts.. 19 

galley, on lllyrian coins, 179 

Gallienus, emperor, 261 

Ganjolle, Gajtan, 130 

Gauls, 153; and Romans, 185 

gauntlet, gold, 108 

gens, gentis. 72-3 

gentiana, plant, 85; healing, 221 

Gentius (Genthios), son of 
Pleuratus, king, 70, 72-3, 85, 
154; coins, 129, 177; succeeds to 
power, 171; accused, 172; and 
Macedonia, 17.?; defeated, 174, 
192; imprisoned, 175; and 
Delmatae, 189; and medicinal 
plants, 22 1 

Genusus, r., 93, 98 

Germanic languages, 73 

Germans, wars against, 261 

Gertous/Gcrous, 98 

Geryon, king, 110 

Gctae, defeated by Alexander, 122 

Gevghcli, 49 

girdles, 105 



/;/,/<■ \ 



Gissa (Pag), is., 188 
Gjirokastra, 16 
Glamoc, plain of, 188 
Glasinac: burials, 8, 107; plateau, 

21, 34, 41, 44-8, 50, 52, 54, 66, 

105, 205; and Autariatae, 140; 

needles, 220; body armour, 240; 

warrior elite, 247 
glass: paste beads, 105, 223; 

making, 223 

Glaucias, ruler of Taulantii, 122-4, 

126, 156 
Glinditiones, civitas, 217 
Glogovik, 4 1 
Gnjiljanc, 20 

goats, 222; on Illyrian coins, 176 
Godljevo, 4 1 

gold: sheet attachments, 141; 

necklaces, 154; of Gentius, 175; 

deposits, 203; in Dalmatia, 

223-4 
Golija planina, 21 
Golubic, 57 
Gomolava, 55 
Gorica, 50 

Gorice, in Poloske plain, 123 
Gori/.ia, 25 
Gornja Dolina, 52 
Gornja Radgona, 60 
Gomja Strazava, 48 
Gornja Tuzla, 30 
Gorno Pole, 49 
Gostilj, Velc Ledine, Illyrian 

cemetery, 168-9, 194 
Gostivar, 18 

Goths: migrations, 261; defeated, 

262; defeat Valens, 265 
Gotovusa, 41 
Grabaei, 70, 1 2 I 
Grabak cave, 34 
Grabovca brdo, 29 
Grabus, ruler of Illyrians, 120-1 
graves, warrior, 105 
Grdelica gorge, 20 
greaves, Illyrian, 240 
Greco-Illyrian culture, 105 
Greece, 82 



(.reek: language, 73, 104; nanus, 
79; imports, 105-7, 237; 
viticulture, 220; com-., 225 

Greeks: modern, II, 26; ancient, 
1», 31-3, 38-40, 58, 69 

Gregory I, pope. Letters, 269 

Grade, 50 

Gubavica, 41 

Gura Padinei, 48 

Gurina-Alpe, 76 

Gurzcze: stronghold, 133; tile 
production, 128 

< i\ laceia, name of Apollonia. I I 2 

Gylax, founder of Apollonia, 112 

Hadrian, emperor, 254, 256 
Haemus (Stara planina), mt., 122, 
152 

Hahh, J. G. von, 5 
hairpins, 105 
Haliacmon, r., 49 

I lalicranum, Lpirus, in lllvrian war 
158 

Hallstatt, 63; Iron Age, 80, 137, 
140 

Hannibal: war with Rome, 149, 
207; victory at Trasimene, 164; 
and Macedonia, 165 

Harmoma, 96, 98, 99 

Harrybas, 1 19 

headgear, of Japodian women, 233 
hearths, Donja Dolina, 242 
Hebrus (Maritza), r., 212 
I lecatneus of Miletus, historian, 98, 

100-1; on Japodcs, 197 
Hedum, castellum of Daesitiatcs, 

216 

helmets: Greco-lllvrian, 105-7, 

240-1; Corinthian, 108 
'helots', of Ardiaei, 127 
•hcmioliac', ships of Philip V, 165 
I lemioni Hegini . 95 
(H)encti, 102; of Paphlagonia, 183 
Hcraclea, Illyrian, 95; coins, 176 
Hcraclea, Italian, 94 
Heracles, I I I 
Heraclides, on frogs, 141 



Index 



337 



I li ra Jiiis, emperor, and Slavs, 
269-7(1 

Heraklcs, on Illyrian coins, 176 
Hcrccg-Novi, 15 
Hercegovina, 50, 57 
Hercuniates, civitas, 217 
Herodian, historian, on 

Pannonians, 2 1 9 
Herodotus, historian, 93, 102, 107 
hides, exported, 109 
Hierastamnae, 95, 100 
Hildesheim, exhibition, 11 
hill-forts, 227; of Delmatae, 190 
Hippius (Cetina), r., 70 
Hippostratus, son of Amyntas, 121 
Hisar, 48 

Histrians, 153, 183; Illyrian allies, 
163; pirates, 185; in Italy, 197, 
209 
Holder, A., 69 
Homer, 104 
honey, in medicine, 221 
hoplite infantry, in lllyria, 126 
Horreum Margi (Cuprija), city, 258 
horses, in ornament, 252; horse- 
harness, 154 
houses, of Liburni, 188 
Hrustovaca Pccina, cave, 34 
human sacrifice, by Illyrians, 123, 
243 

Hungarian plain (Alfold), 1.3 
Hungary, 68; amber, 225; plain, 
261 

Huns: in Pannonia, 265; attack 

lllyricuni, 268 
hunting, 220 
Hvar, is., 32 
Hydruntum, 94, 96 
Hyllcis, Dorian tribe, 115 
Hylli, 95, 100 
I lyllica pen., 100 
Hyllus, son of Hercules, 95, 100 
Hyperborean Offerings, 102 
Hythinitac, 100 

Ibar, r., 17, 19, 20-1, 258, 270 
Iberians, in Roman Empire, 208 
lea, Liburnian deity, 245 



Id.iss.i ( I arsatica), 95 

llijak, ( ilasinac, '-<«; settlement, 

205; tomb, 240 
Illyrian: Movement, 5; emperors, 

12; languages, 73; provinces, 

Roman governors, 211; •Illyrian 

look' (Hilurica facics), 219 
Illyrians; 'real', 74—5; 'proprie 

dicti', 92 
lllyriciani, imperial regime of, 

261-2, 264 
Ulyricum, 87, 97; Roman 

boundaries of, 209-10; 

reorganization, 210 
lllyrike of Appian, 91 
lllvris, 45, 70, 74, 93, 111-12, 210 
Illyrius, 92-3, 99 
lmotsko polje, 51, 188 
imports, Greek, 106, 108 
Indian Ocean, 94 

Indo-Europcans, 86; languages, 67; 

names, 71 
Indus, r., 94 

inhumation, burial rite, 242 
Ionian: Sea, 94; pottery, 104; 

imports, 107; traders, 107 
Ionian Gulf, 96; Celts from, 122; 

under Romans, 159 
lonio, on coins of Issa, 176 
lonius, son of Dyrrhachus, 1 1 I 
Ipsus, battle, 125 
Iranian languages, 73 
Iria, Istria deity, 245 
iris, Illyrian, 221 
Iron Gales, gorge, 13, 210 
iron-working, 104, 204, 223-4; 

tools, 194; deposits, 203; spread 

of, 221 
lscl, r., 77 
Iskar, r., 48 
Islami, S., 1 1 
Ism en i, 100 
lsonzo, r., 26 

Issa (Vis), is.: Greek colony, 95, 
100, 113-15, 189; commerce, 
116; attacked by Illyrians, 159; 
Roman ally, 171—4; exempt from 
tribute, 174; coins, 176 



Index 



Ister (Danube), r., 95, 10 I 

Istria, 6, 16, 24-5, 56-7, 63-5, 68, 

70-1, 76, 87, 95-6, 11)0-2, 185, 
197, 208; hill-forts, 227; raided 

by Slavs, 269 
Italian pottery, 128 
Italic: peoples, ancient, 12; 

languages, 73 
Italy: modern, 25-6, 35, 39-40, 

51, 59-60; Southeast, 68-9, 71, 

77, I I 0; harbours, 226; 

boundary with Ulyricum, 254 

Jablam'ca, nits., 18 
Jablanica, r., 20 

Jacler (Zadar), 101, 187; Roman 

colony, 213, 255 
Jajce, 22 

Jakupnica, mt., 18 

Japodes, 54, 57, 71, 74, 76, 101, 
108, 153, 185, 205-6; names, 
79; attacked in 35 RC, 196-8; 
burial urns, 198, 200; tattooed, 
198; civitas of, 216; glass- 
making, 223; cremation urns, 
227-8, 248, 252-3; headgear, 
229, 233; princeps, 238; altars, 
245; art, 252; settlements, 256 

Japyges, 94 

Japygia, 94, 101; pen. 96 

Jasi, 81; civitas, 217-18; city of, 

257 

Jelsa, Hvar, plain, I 15 
Jesenicc, cemetery, 198 
jewellery: Creek imported, 105-6, 
108, 141; lllyrian, 231; 

Byzantine in Illy ria, 276 » 
Jezerinc near Bihac, cemetery, 8, 57 
Josainicka Banja, 106 
Jovianus, emperor, 264 
Julian Alps, 13-14, 25, 70, 76, 185 
Julius Caesar, in Gaul and 

Ulyricum, 196, 208 
Junius Brutus, Roman commander 

against Japodes, 200 
Juno, Roman deity, 259 
Jupiter, 259 
Justin 1, emperor, 267 



IllStinian I, emperor. 2m> 
lustiniana Prima, birthplace of 

Justinian, 2<>~ 
Justinopolis, city in Dardania, 268 
Justinus, historian, 121, 123, 158, 
149 

Kacanik gorge, 18 
Kacanj, 41, 105 
Kakanj (Obrci, 33 
Kalnik hills, 23 
Kamen, Bosnia, 29 
Kanelites, Slav, settlers, 270 
Kapela, ml., 198 
Kaptol, 54 
Karagac, 48 

Karaorman, mts., 18; near Stip, 
106 

Karawanken, mts., 14, 22 
Katicic, r., 70, 74 
Kavajc, plain, 15 
Kencte, 45 
Kicevo, 18 

kilns: tile, 128; pottery, 230 

kinship group (cognatio), 187 

Klagenfurt, 22 

klematitis (wormwood), 85 

Klos: hill settlement, 127, 130; tile 

production, 128 
knives, lllyrian, 239 
Knossos, excavations, 6 
Kobarid, 65 
Koch, C, I I 
Kolsh, near Kukcs, 30 
Komani-Kruja, cemeteries, 27 i, 

277-9 

Komina, Glasinac settlement, 205 
Kompolje, I.ika, 57; imports, 108; 

Japodian settlement, 198; graves, 

252 
Konjic, 75 
Konopnica, 48 
Kopaonik, 19-20 
Koper (Capodistria), 26 
Koprivnik, mts., 19 
Korab, mts., 17-18 
Korce basin, II, 17, 25, 30, 36, 

46-7, 97, 123, 128 



index 



Korcula, 51, 1 1.1 

Koreta, 72 

Korkuti, M., I I 

Kosmaj, mt., 83-4 

Kosovo: region, II, 18-19, 2D, 

25-6, 45, 47-8, 68, 75, 86, 120; 

survival of l atin names, 278 
Kotor, 15; Gulf, 99, 168; 

tombstones, 243 
Kotschach, 76 
Koutzovlachs, 270 
Kozuf, mts., 18 
Krahc, H., 69 
Kraljcvo, 20 
Krapina, 28 
Kriva Reka, 41 
Krivodol, 35 
Krizna Gora, 63 
Krk, is., 32, 101 
Krka, r., 16, 56, 100-1 
Krka (Slovenian), r., 22, 58 
Krotine, relief, 229 
Kruja, place-names, 280 
Kruma, 45 
Krusevac, 20 
Kuc i Zi, 47 
Kukcs, 19, 25, 45 
Kumanoyo, basin, 18-20 
Kunovi Cuki, 49 
Kupa, r., 58 
Kushi, 41 

Kvamcr, gulf, 101, 185 
kyliccs, 106 

I.a Tcne, 63, 137 

Labeates, 99, 172; coins, 175, 180; 

Lacus, 177 
Lagole di Calalzo, 76 
I.aianei, 77 
l akeland. Albania, 68 
land-division, on Hvar, 115 
l.angarus, king of Agrianes, 122 
Latin, language, 76; survival in 

Balkans, 266 
I.atobici, 81, 2S6; civitas, 217-18 
I.atra. Libumian deity, 245 
lead-working, 224 
Lederata, 83 



legions, Roman in lllyrian 
provinces, 211; recruitment, 255, 

260 

lekythoi, 106 

lembus: lllyrian ship, 156, 163, 
165, 172, 226; Macedonian, 165 

lentils, grown by Illyrians, 220 

I. co, emperor, 267 

Lepcis Magna, home of Severus, 
260 

Lepcnac, r., 18 

Leskovac, 20 

Leucas, battle, 164 

Lczha, 14 

Lias (Alos), 95 

Lib, hill-fort, 192 

Liber, deity, 247 

liburna, ship, I I I 

Liburni, Liburnia, 39, 56-7, 64-5, 
68, 70-1, 74-6, 84, 95-6, 98, 
100-1, 110-11, 197-8; names, 
76, 78; pirates, flocks, 183, 186; 
warships, 187; in Roman 
province, 209; civitates of, 216: 
settlements, 227; tombstone, 243, 
253; Roman cities, 254 

Licca (Licca/Licco), lllvrian name, 
271 

Licinius, rival of Constantino, 264 
Licinius, Roman commander and 

Japodes, 201 
life-expectancy, 220 
Lika, plain, 57, 63-4, 70, 102; 

names, 79, 197-8, 201 
Lim, r., 139, 270 
lions, lllyrian symbol, 245 
Lipci, near Risan, 29 
I.isiciei, 34 

Lissus (Lczha), 1 14-15, 210; 
fortifications, 130, 133; limit of 
Illyria, 161-3; captured by Philip 
V, 168; base of Gentius, 17.3-4; 
coins, 175-7; Roman settlement, 
213; bishop of, 273 

Little Prespa, Lake, 17, 19, 47 

livestock, lllyrian. 127, 220 

Livno, plain, 188; relief, 228-9 



$40 



Index 



Livy, historian, 184; on defeat ol 

Philip V at Apollonia, I 66 
Lizaviates, 237 
Ljubic, Simc, 6 

Ljubljana, 22, 58, 70, 77; museum, 
9 

Ljubomir, 41; Greek imports, 105 
Lombards, in Pannonia, 267 
Longarus, ruler of Dardanians, 148 
Lonovius, Celtic leader, 147 
looms, weaving, 231 
Lopsica (Sv. Juraj), 101 
Lotus eaters, 95 
Lower Palaeolithic, 28 
Lubelj (Loibl) pass, 22 
Lucanja, 94 
Lusiici, 29 

Lutarius, Celtic leader, 147 
Lychnidus (Ohrid), 99; Macedonian 

garrison, 170; Roman base, 172; 

bishop of, 273 
Lychnitis, 49; Lake, 98, 120; 

Macedonian occupation, 149, 

165 

Lyncestis (I.ynchus), 117, 120 
Lyon, battle, 260 
Lyppeius, ruler of Paeonians, 1 1 1 
Lysimachus, king of Macedonia, 

125, 146; Danube expedition. 

144 

Macedonia, Macedonians, 12, 
23-4, 35, 38, 40-1, 44, 49-50, 
58, 69, 79, 84, 91, 97, 106-7, 
113; war with Illvrians, 117-20, 
125, 156, 162-3; 
and Celts, 144; and Dardani, 
145; end of monarchy, 153-5, 
203, 206; and Creeks, 163-4; 
Roman province, 202, 209; 
under Antony, 210, 212; colonies 
in, 212—13; Rvzantine fortresses, 
268 

machaira, Greek sword, 238 
Macdus, Maedi, Thracians, 92; 

attacked by Philip V, 152 
maenad, figurine, 108 



Maezaci, so, i«>x, 203; civitas, 

2 1 ft, 255 
Magdalenska Gura, 59 
magistrates, in cities, 258 
Magnum, city, 257 
Makarska, 16 

Malea, Cape, Dlyrian raids. 165 

Malcsocus, Istrian deity, 245 

Mali Losinj, is., 32, 101 

Mali Obljaj, 57 

Maliq, 35, 37 

Mallakastra, 97 

Malo (Little) Kosovo basin, 20 

Malvesa (Skclani), city, 257 

Manii, 95, 99 

Manius Bay, 95, 99 

Manlius Vulso, Roman 

commander, 186 
manumissions of slaves, 127 
Marcellus, Claudius, Roman 

commander, 186 
Marchesetti, Carlo, 6 
Marcius Figulus, Roman 

commander against Dclmatae, 

189 

Marcus Aurclius, emperor, 262 
Margcllic: tile production, 128; 

stronghold, 133 
Margum (Orasjc), 258 
Margus (Morava), r., 202 
Maribor, 22 

marriages, of lllyrian rulers, 168 
Mars, Roman deity, 259 
Marshcj, fortifications, 130 
martyrs, remains removed, 265 
Marulic, Marko, 5 
masks, gold, 108 
masonry construction, 128 
Mat, r., 14, 16, 30, 37, 41, 45, 47, 
93, 98-9, 130; survival of 
lllyrian ornament, 278-9 
Matohasanaj, stronghold, 133 
mattocks, bone and iron, 221 
Mavrovlachs, in Dalmatia, 279 
Maxentius, son of Maximianus, 

usurper, 264 
Maximianus, emperor, 263 



lmlv.\ 



til 



Maximums, 'die I hracian', 

cmpcrot , 2(>2 
Maxiimis el ryrc, philosopher, on 

Paeonians, 211 
Mayer, A., 6') 
mead, recipe tor, 221 
meat, diet, 109 
Medaurus, lllyrian deity, 247 
medicinal plants, 85, 138, 221 
Medion, Acarnania, 157—8 
Megarian bowls, 106, 128 
Melite (Mljct), is., 95, 100 
Menodorus (Menas), Roman 

admiral, killed, 206 
Mcntorcs, 100-1 
Mcnrorides, is.. 95 
mercenaries, 109; lllyrian, 168 
Mercurialis tomentosa (Hairy- 
Mercury), 85 
Mesembria, 152 
Mesolithic Age, 29 
Messapia, 101; Messapian 

language, 68 
Messenia, attacked by Illvrians, 158 
Messor, epithet of Silvanus, 259 
metal ores: exported, 108; Attic, 

105, 140; wares, 113, 230 
metalla Dardanica, mining 

settlement, 224, 258; Ulpiana, 

224, 257 
metal working: lllyria, 128, 141. 

223; hoard, Osanici, 194 
Metapontum, 94 
Meteon (Medun), fortifications, 

133, 168, 173; captured, 174 
Mctohija basin, 14, 19, 26, 84 
Metsovo pass, 97 
Metulum (Vincica): Japodian 

settlement, 198, 201; city, 257 
military service, lllyrian, 234 
milk, diet, 109 
millet, 198, 220 
mills, donkey-powered, 231 
Milvian Bridge, battle, 264 
miners, lllyrian in Transylvania, 

224; mining. 224 
Minerva, Roman deity, 259 



Miscnum, licet base, 25 S 
Mitrovica, Kosovska, I 1 ', 86 
Mocsy, A., 70, 259; on 

disappearance ol Illvrians, 266 
Moesi, decline of, 145 
Moesia: Roman province, 210; 

Diocese of, 210-11; legions, 211; 

colony, 213; cities in, 257 
Moesia Prima, Roman province, 

210 

Moesia Superior, province, 70 
Mokra Gora, 19 
Moll, r., 77 

Molossians of Kpirus, 97, 103-4, 
114, 120, 124; enslaved, 208 

Monetium (Brinjc), [apodian 
settlement, 198, 201, 256 

Montebelluna, Venetic settlement, 
184 

Montenegro, Montenegrins, 26, 32, 

39, 41, 84, 87, 92, 102 
Monunius, king: coins, 129, 146-7, 

177; king of Dardani, 146, 172 
Moraca, r., 15, 216, 256 
Morava, r., 15, 17-20, 24, 48, 68, 

82-4; (Angros), 93, 140, 146, 

151, 258, 270 
Morlachs, 270 
Mosko, 41 
Moslavacka hills, 23 
Mother Jana, Slav goddess, 271 
Mothers, Pannonian and 

Dalmatian, 260 
Mramorac, 41, 106; bracelets, 233, 

236 

municipia, Roman cities, 234 
tnunicipium Dardanicum, city, 258 
municipium S. (Pljevlja), city, 257 
Mur, r., 22, 60 
Mursa (Osijek), 83 
music, polyphonic patterns, 271 
Mussolini, B., 25 
music, Dardanian, 144 
Mutila, Istrian settlement, 185-6 
mutton, lllyrian, 127 
Mycenaean Bronze Age, 36; 
fortresses, 40; and Istria, 252 



142 



Index 



Mysians, Asia Mmm, 145 
Mytilus, king, coins, 129, 146, 177 
Myzeqeja, plain, 15 

Naevius Crista, Roman commander 

at Apollonia, 166 
Naissus (Nil), 86; city, 258; 

defences repaired, 268 
Napoleon I, 25 
Narcnsi, civitas, 216 
Narenra/Naron (Neretva), r., 189, 

216 

Narcntani, pagan Slavs, 270 
Narona (Vid): name, 71; Roman 
settlement and base, 196; 
conventus, 209, 215-16; Roman 
colony, 213; possible home of 
Cams, 26.3; abandoned, 269 
Naupactus, 163 
Neanderthal Man, 29 
necklaces, imported, 105-6, 233 
Nedinum (Nadin), 101 
needles, tattooing, 220 
Negau (Negova) helmets, 60 
Ncmcrcke, mts., 16 
Neolithic Age, 29; Adriatic, 33; 

Italian, 35 
Neptune, of Japodes, 246 
Neraste, fort of Dclmatae 

(Narestini), 190, 237 
Neretva (Narou), r., 13, 15-16, 70, 
74-5, 95, 97, 99, 126, 139, 203, 
208, 216 
Nero, emperor, 223, 255 
Nerodimka, r., 19 
Nesactium: Istrian settlement, 64, 

185-6; sculptures, 252-3 
Nesti, Ncstoi, 95, 97, 99-100 
Nesrus, (Cctina), r., 95, 97, 
99-100 

Neviodunum, Flavian city, 256 
New Dacia (Dacia Nova), 262; 

home of emperors, 263 
Nezir cave, 37 

Nicolaus of Damascus, historian, 

on Autariatae, 243 
Nidze, mts., 18 
Nin, 57 



Ninia (Knin), fun ol Dclmatae, 190 
niniim, poison. 111 
Nis, 2(1 

Nisava, r., 146 

Noams (?Drava and Sava), r., 202 
Noreia, in Carinthia, 203 
Noricum, 81; names, 77-8 
Notranjska {Inner Carniola). 63 
Noutria, lllyrian town, 161 
Novae (lmotski), city, 257 
Novi Pazar, 19, 21, 41, 70, 105; 

hoard, 141 
Novo Mcsto, 58-60, 66 
Nymphs, deities, 229 

Oaneum, Roman base, 172 
oats, 220 

Obre, near Sarajevo, 30 
obsidian, 31 

Octavian Caesar: against Dclmatae. 

196; victory, 197; against 

Japodes 201; against Pannonians, 

206, 209 
Ohrid, Lake, 14, 17-18, 25-6, 93, 

98, 108, 124, 128 
Olcinium (Ulcinj), 86, 102. 133; 

exempt from tribute, 174; 

Roman settlement, 1 1 >; name, 

244 

olive: cultivation, 221; oil, Istrian, 
185 

Olunta (Solenta, Solta), is., 95, 100 
Olympe, coins, 129 
Olympia, 108, 111; Camcs, 121 
Olympio, envoy of Perseus, 173 
Olynthus, 118 

Oncum (Omil): fort of Dclmatae, 

190; Onastini, 237 
Opitergium (Oderzo), 184 
oppida, of Scordisci, 202 
Opsara (Osor), is., late settlement, 
269 

Orahovica, salt source, 139, 223 

Orbelus, int., 144 

Oricus, 96, 110; capture, 166 

Orion, mt., 94 

Orlovi Cuki, 49 

Orropula (Stinica), 101 



Index 



Ml 



Osanici: fortifications, I 10; coins, 
175, 17 '. hill ion. 192 i; Knds, 
I'M 

Osi, 95 

Osinium (Sinj), 1 90 
Osor. is., 36 
Osovo, Glasinac, 66 
Osscriares, civitas, 217 
Ostrogoths, in Italy, 267 
Osum, r.. 14, 17 
Otok, settlement, 221, 227 
Ottolobus, battle, 150 
Ottoman empire, 11, 93 

Pacatianus, usurper, 261 

Padus (Po), r., 183 

Paeonia, Paeonians, 49, 119-22, 

142, 145-8; depopulation of, 

151, 155; sun-cult, 244 
Pag (Gissa), is., 101; land division, 

271 

Pajakowski, W., 10 
Palaeolithic, 29 
Palamnus, r., 96 
Palmyra, in Roman Lmpirc. 262 
Pamphyloi, Dorian tribe, I 15 
Pannonia, Roman, 70-1, 91; 
province, 203, 217; legions, 211; 
civitates, 216; Diocese of, 
210-1 1; Roman cities, 257; 
occupied: by Goths, 265; by 
Avars and Lombards, 267; Slavs 
in, 270 

Pannonia Secunda, province, 210 

Pannonian, plain, 20, 22; Urnficld, 
52. 64; War, 14-18 BC, 207; 
highway, construction, 212 

Pannonians, 74—5, 87; names. 
79-81; defeated by Celts, 138, 
188, 201, 206; Roman conquest, 
209; character, 219; import 
wine, 22 1 : drink mead, 222 

Papazoglu, F., 70 

Papuk, hills, 23 

Papirius Carbo, attacks Cimbri, 
203 

Parentium (Porcc), 185 
Parians, on Pharos, 1 14 



P.n mcnio, genei al, 1 2 I 
Partheni, Parthini, 92-3; 98; 
settlements, 133; Roman allies, 
16 1-2, 174; Macedonian allies, 
166; under Pleurarus, 171; 
attacked by Pollio, 209 
pastoral economy, 126 
Patavium (Padua), 76, 103; 

foundation, 184 
Pateli, 49 
Patsch, Carl, 10 

Paul of Aegina, medical writer, 222 
Pausanias, murderer of Philip 11, 
121 

Pautarchus, envoy, 173 

Paxos, battle, 160 

Pazhok, Devoll valley, 37, 46 

Pfinja, r., 18 

pear (dardhe), 85 

peas, grown in lllyria, 220 

Pec, 86 

pectorals: gold, 141, 233; crosses, 
276 

Pcdctac (Orropuletae), 95 
Pelagonia, 49, 149-50 
Pclion, lllyrian fortress, 123, 136 
Pelion, mt., 98 
Pelister, m., 18 

Pcljcsac peninsula, 51, 99-100. I 14 
Pella, capital of Macedonia, 149; 

treasury, 173 
Peloponnese, 95; Peloponncsian 

War, 107, I 17; attacked by 

lllyrians, 163 
Pelva, city. 257 

pendants, 105; amber, 225, 233 
Penestae, 136; under Perseus, 
172-3 

Perdiccas, king of Macedonia, 

defeated by lllyrians, 117, 119 
Periander, tyrant of Corinth, I 14 
Pcriegesis, of Scymnus, 100 
Periplus, of Scylax, 94, 99-101, 

104, 111, 138 
Pcrrhaebi, 92 

Perseis, foundation, 151, 154 
Perseus, king of Macedonia, 150-2, 
154; and Rome, 171-2, 189 



144 



Persia, Achaemenid, 41; king of, 
122; Roman campaigns, 2(> i 

Petrovici-Rakitno, 50-1 

Peutingcr Map, 100 

phallus, symbol among Ulyrians, 
245 

Pharos (Hvar), is., Greek colony, 
95, 100, 113-16, 156; under' 
Ulyrians, 160, 163, 171; coins, 
176 

Philip II, king of Macedonia, 

118-19, 149, 156; Hlyrian 

victories, 120-1, 138 
Philip V, king of Macedonia, 148, 

154; peace with Rome, 149; 

Balkan expedition, 150-2; death, 

152; and Ulyrians, 164; 

I.ychnidus, 165; invades Adriatic, 

165; and Hannibal, 165, 167; 

capture of l.issus, 166-7 
Philip, emperor, 26 I 
Philippi, I 1 I 
Phocaca, trade, 1 13 
Phocas, emperor, 269 
Phoenicc, Epirore capital: attacked 

by Ulyrians, 157-8; recovered, 

159 

Phrygia, 111; Phrygians (Brvges), 
145 

Piave (Piavis), r., 76, 183 
Picenum, 68, 101; Hannibal in, 
164 

pig, bones, 222 

Pilatovici, 41 

pile-dwellings, 227 

Pincum (Velika GradiSte), 83 

Pindus, mts., 13, 18-19, 109 

Pinnes, king of Ulyria, succession, 

162, 164, 167 
pins: imported Creek, 106; double 

omega, 108 
pirates, 109; piracy of Ulyrians, 

168, 225; alleged, 171 
Pirustac, 80; of Dassaretii, 98; 

exempt from tribute, 174; 

Pannonian, 203, 205, 216-17; 

miners in Dacia, 224 



Pisa, 94 

Pissaeum, m Pelagonia, looted, l(>s 
Pitiintiiini, tort ol Delmatae, 190; 

Pituntini, 237 
Piva, r., 270 

place-names: survival of Roman, 
265; Latin in Albania, 279-80 
Plakenska, mts., 18 
Plana, 41 

plant names, Slav in Albania, 279 
Plator, brother of dentins, killed, 
172 

Plautus, dramatist, on Ulyrians, 219 
Pletto (Plator), Hlyrian name, 271 
Pleraci, attacked, 192 
Pletvar pass, 149 
Pleuratus, Hlyrian exile, 172-3 
Pleuratus, son of Gentius, captured, 
I I 

Pleuratus, son of Scerdilaidas, 
Hlyrian ruler, 121; alliance with 
Rome, 167, 170-1; and 

Delmatae, 189 
Pleurias, king of lllyria, 121 
Pliny the Elder, 92, 116; on 

Dalmatia, 215; on lllyrii, 216; 

on Hlyrian spells, 243 
Pljevlja, 80, 84; tombstones, 253 
Plockcn pass, 76 
plough, coulter, 221 
Plutarch of Chacronea, 104; on 

Dardanians, 155 
Po, r., 102, 113 
Pod, Bugojno, 34, 50, 204 
Podravina plain, 23 
Poetovio (Ptuj), Roman colony, 

211, 213 
Pohorjc plateau, 22 
Pola (Pula): harbour and cape, 

185; colony, street-plan, 227 
Polyaenus, Stratagems, 138 
Polyanus, int., 208 
Polybius, historian, 98, 104, 148, 

154; on Ulyrians, 156, 159-61, 

165, 167; on Veneti, 183; on 

Delmatae, 189 
polydynastae, proprietors, 127 



Index 



Ms 



Polyphemus, i yclops, 92 
Pompcius, Sexius, in Sicily, 196 
Pompeius rrogus, historian, 138 
Pompey, Dyrrhachium campaign, 
128 ' 

Pontus Euxinus, 95 

population growth, Hlyrian, 126 

porticos, Byllis and Dimale, 133 

portraits, Ulyrians, 220 

Posavina, 23 

Poseidon, 110 

Postranje, 50 

Postumius, Roman commander, 

161 
Posusje, 50 

pottery, 105, 113; Hvar, 36; 
Daunian, 56; (ireek, 56, 106, 
140; South Italian, 56; Apulian, 
59, 188; Attic, 59; Corinthian, 
111; Hlyrian, 128, 230; on coins, 
176 

Pozega, 20 

Pozega, Slavonian, 23, 54 
praepositus (commander), of 

civitatcs, 238 
Praetorian guard: Prefects, 211; 

dismissed, 259 
Pracvalitana, province, 210, 271 
Praschniker, Camillo, 10 
Prekomurje, 22 
Prendi, Fr., 1 1 
Prespa, Lake, 17-18 
Priboj, 20 
Prijepolje, 84 
Prilep, 18, 49, 149 
princeps (chief), of Delmatae, 238 
prisoners, mutilation of, 243 
Pristina, 19, 86 
Privilica, Bihac, spring, 246 
Prizrcn, 48, 86; import, 108 
Probus: emperor, 263-4; plants 

vines, 221 
Procopius, historian. Secret History: 

on lllyricum, 266, 268; on 

Hlyrian emperors, 267; Buildings, 

268 

procurator Augusti: Dalmatia and 
Pannonia, 211; of mines, 224 



Prodi*.', Vieko, S 
Prokljan, I ake, loo 
Prokuplje basin, 20 
Promona (Teplju), fort of 

Delmatae, 190, 196 
Proterius, is., 95 
Prozor, 57 
Psunj hills, 23 
pteryges (aprons), 141 
Ptolemy, Geography, 133; on 

Albanopolis, 279 
Ptolemy, historian, 137, 139 
Ptolemy, king of Macedonia, 1 19 
Ptolemy, son of Lysimachus, king 

of Macedonia, 146 
Ptolemy Ceraunos, king ol 

Macedonia, 146 
Ptuj, 22 

Publicum portorium lllyrici, tax 
district, 211 

Pula (Pola), 25; sculpture, 252 

Pullaris (Brioni), is., 185 

Pullus, on Black Corcyra, 115 

Pylos, attacked, 163 

pyramid tombstones, 243 

Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, 124-5, 
136, 156; death, 146; cattle- 
breeder, 127 

Quarnero (Kvarner) gull, 16, 269 
quarries, Roman, 224 
querns, rotary and saddle, 230 

Rab (Arba), is., 101 
Rabie, stronghold, 133 
Radanjc, 49 
Radimlja, 41 

Radoliste, near Ohrid, 106 
Radovin, settlement, 56, 188 
Raec, r., 149 
Ractia, 184 

Ragusa (Dubrovnik), 6; in 

Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 269 
Rajce, Albania, 30 
rake, iron, 221 
Rapallo, Treaty of, 25 
Raska, r., 270 
Ratiaria (Archar), 84 



l'lO 



Index 



Ravenna, Hcci base, 255 

Ravna Gora, 2! 

Ravni Kotari, -if., 78 

Razana, 41, 106 
razors, used by UJyrians, 220 
refuges, in Illyria, 136 
Remesiana, 86 
Rcndic-Miocevic, D., 70 
Renfrew, C, 68 

resin, conifer, amber substitute, 225 
Rev, Leon, 10 
rhinos ('fog'), 69 

Rhizon (Risan), Risinium, 96, L33 ; 

Illyrian settlement, 161, 168; 

exempt from tribute, 174, 247 
Rhodian amphoras, 128 
Rhodope plateau, 20 
Ribie, 57; Japodian urn, 200, 227 
Rider (Danilo), 70-1, 75; fort of 

Delmatae, 190; city, 256 
Rijeka, 16 

Ripac: crops, 220; settlement, 227 
Risinium (Rhizon), Roman 

settlement, 213; abandoned, 269 
Rittium, 83 

roads, Roman in Illyricum, 212 
Rodisic, 48 
Rogatica, city, 256 
Rogo/.na, mts., 19 
Romaja near Prizrcn, 45 
Roman citizenship: Liburnia, 255; 

Dalmatia, 256 
Romania. 48; Romanians, origins, 

266 

Romanija, hills, 205 
Romanoi, Romanized Ulyrians, 278 
Rome: and Issa, 116; armies, 113; » 
sack by Gauls, 138; Illyrian 
wars, 160, 163; Aetolian 
alliance, 167-70 
Rospi Cuprija, cemetery, 202 
Rozafat, Scodra, fortress, 133 
Rozanci, 48 
Rtanj, 48 
Rudovci, 48 
Russu, I. 1., 68-9 

Sabae, 41 



snhaius/sahuia, beer, <>'», 22o 
sai rifice, animal, 140 
Saevates, 

Si Achilleus, Lake Little Prespa, 
128 

St Demetrius, festival, 109 
Sr George, festival, 109 
St Hilarion, at Epidaurum, slays 

serpent, 245 
St Jerome: on Illyrian beer, 222; on 
St Hilarion, 245; on ruin of 
Illyricum, 265-6 
St Lucia, cemetery, 63—4, 66, 220 
Salona, 16, 71, 100, 224; capture, 
195-6, 208; settlers, 196; 
colony, 21 ?; conventus, 215-16; 
roads from, 216; home of 
Diocletian, 263; abandoned, 269 
salt: trade, 113, 279; source of, 

139, 223; production, 222 
Saltluia, settlement of Docleatae 
238 

Salv ia, fort of Delmatae, 190; 

Salvium, city, 257 
Samnites, 94 

Sana, r., 34, 51, 54, 198, 203, 216 
sandals, gold, 106, 108 
Sanski Most, 51, 54, 203 
Sanskrit, 73 
Sar planina, 15, 18-19 
Saraj, 106 

Sarajevo, 21, 39; museum, 8-9 
Saranda, museum, 10 
Sarda, late antique fortress, 273 
Sardeates, ci vitas, 216 
Sarmatians, wars with, 261 
satem (Old Iranian) languages, 7? 
Sava, r., 23, 33, 35,51,54-5, 68, 
79,81, 101-2, 151,201,207, 
209, 217 
Savaria, colony, 213 
Savia, province, 210 
Savinski, mts., 22 
Sazani (Sason, Saseno), is., 26, 96 
Scampis (Elbassan), late defences, 

bishop, 273 
Scardona (Skradin), 71; conventus, 
216; city, 256; abandoned, 269 



Index 



Scardus (Sari, mi., 154, 2(H, 2i) 1 ' 

Scerdilaidas, I; Illyrian ruler, 129; 
campaigns, 158-9, 1 62, 165; all) 
i)t Macedonia, 164; Roman ally, 
167, I7() 

Scerdilaidas, son of Gentius, 
captured, 174 

Schober, Arnold, 10 

Schonhrunn, Treaty of, 4 

Scirtari, civitas, 217 

Scodra (Shkoder), Illyrian capital, 
133, 154, 168, 174, 210; coins, 
129, 169, 177, 180; Roman 
settlement 213; provincial 
capital, decline of, 273 

Scodrenses, tributary, 174 

Scordisci, 81-4, 92,' 140, 256; 
decline of, 145; and Bastarnae, 
152; name, 201; and Romans, 
207; defeated, 210; civitas, 
217—18; cities 257 

Scupi (Skopje), 85, 86; colony, 
213; abandoned after 
earthquake, 266, 279 

Scylax of Caryanda, 94, 97 

Scymnus of Chios, 97, 102 

scythe, iron, 221 

Scythia, 102 

"Sea Peoples', 145 

Scbatum, 77 

Segesta/Siscia (Sisak), 203; 

captured, 206 
Selce e Poshtmc (PPelion), tombs, 

123, 130, 136 
Selepitani, tributary, 174 
Sellasia, battle, 148, 162 
Seman, r., 45 

Sempronius Tuditanus, attacks 
Japodes, 184, 187, 200; Garni, 
I s s 

Senia (Senj), 101, 201; colony, 213 
Sentona, l.ibiirnian deity, 245 
Seprimius Severus, emperor, 219, 
259 

Scrapilli, civitas, 2 1 7 
Serbia, Serbs. II I.'. 22, 24, 26. 
30, 34, 41, 47-8, SS, 65, 70, 74. 



H i. 1 40; in ( lonstantine 

Porphyrogenitus, 269; 

settlements, 270 
Serdica (Sofia), defences, 268 
Sergejevski, D., 200 
serpents: on japodian urns, 199; in 

ornament, 233; in religion, 

244-5 
Serreres, civitas, 217 
Setovia, fort of Delmatae, 190, 197 
shawls, worn by Illyrian women, 

229 

shears, sheep, 231 
sheep, among Ulyrians, 222 
shepherd's pipes, 271 
shields, 105; Illyrian, 239 
ships, merchant, on coins, 176 
Shkoder (Scodra), Lake, 14-15, 21, 
70, 72, 75, 92-3, 99, 102, 121, 
139, 168, 210, 278; under 
Pyrrhus, 125; fortifications, 130; 
languages, 279 
Shkumbin, r., 14, 16-17, 45, 123, 

273; copper deposits, 128 
shovel, iron, 22 I 
Shqipcria, name ol Albania, 279 
Sibenik, 16, 32, 70, 97, 100 
sica, Illyrian short sword, 238 
Sicily, 92; under Rome, 159 
sickle, balanced, iron, 221 
Siculotae, civitas, 217 
Silvanus, deity of Delmatae, 247; 

Illyrian cult, 259, 271 
Silvcstris, epithet of Silvanus, 259 
silver: deposits in Illyria, 110, 203; 

extraction of, 128, 223-4; coins, 
129, 225; of Gentius, 175; in 

graves, 223 
Singidunum (Belgrade), 72, 83; of 

Scordisci, 202; home of Jovian, 

264; fortress, 268 
Sinj, plain, 188; tombstones, 253 
Sintia, fortress, 154 
Sirmium, 81; colony, 213; home of 

Decius, 261; imperial centre, 

262, 265; captured by Avars, 

26'> 



MX 



Index 



Siroko, 48, 106 

Siscia: colony, 213; virus planted, 

221 
Sitnica, r., 19 

Simla Art, 59, 62; culture, 200; 
Dolensko, 230, 247; production, 

2.52 

Skelani, Roman city, 256 
skins, animal, 222, 224 
Skocjan (St Kanzian), 63 
Skopje, 18, 49; museum, 9; basin, 

68, 210 
Skrapar, 97 

slaves: exported, 109, 224; in 

Dardania, 127; markets, 127; 

captured by lllyrians, 159; of 

Liburni, 187; Cicero's 209; 

manumissions, 2 1 1 
Slavic languages, 73 
Slavonia, 23, 35, 48, 54 
Slavs: settlements, 253; migrations, 

268; Macedonia and Thessaly, 

269; lllyrian Slavs, 271; 

dispersal, 273; words in 

Albanian, 279 
Slovakia, 37, 261 
Slovenia, 35, 41, 44, 52, 54, 56, 

60, 70, 77; Slovenes, lllyrian 

heritage, 271 
Smihcl, 63 
Smilcic, Zadar, 3 I 
Sobunar, 41 
Sofia (Isonzo), r., 64 
Socanica, city, 258 
Socerb, 63 
society, lllyrian, 236 
Sophocles, dramatist, 103 
sopitis, herb, 85 
Southern Morava, r., 19-20 
spades, iron, 221 
Sparta, Spartans, 107; lllyrian 

expedition, I 17; defeated, 148; 
spears, 105; lllyrian sibyna, 239 
spectacle-brooches, 23 I 
spelt, 198 

sphinx, among lllyrians, 245 
Spina, Spines, r., 94, 113; Greek 
trading settlement, 252 



spinning, wheels and shunlcs, 2d 
Spin, l(>, ~0; museum, s, ~-r- 
i Asp.il.nhos), I. iii- Roman, 2(>'> 
Srem district, 55 
Sremska Mitrovica, 55, 106 
stadium Byllis, 133 
stags, on coins, 176 
Stalac defile, 20 
Stanjel, 63 
Star Karaorman, 49 
Stara planina, 1 3 
Starccvo, 30, 32 
Starigrad, Hvar. I 15 
Statilius Taurus, Roman 

commander, 197 
Sticna, 58, 60, 66 
Stip, 49 

Stipcevic, Aleksandar, 10 

Stobi (Gradsko), 18, 106; capital of 

Paeonia, 150, 152 
Stogovo, mts., 18 
Ston, 5 1 

storage jars, 128 

Strabo, Geography, 49, 69, 82, 

111. 137, 139; on Dardani, 144, 

220, 237; on Histri, 185; 

Delmatae, 188; Japodes, 198; 

Pannonians, 201, 203; Scordisci. 

202; on Illyris and F.pirus, 208 
strainer, bronze, 141 
Stridor), home of St Jerome, 265 
Strpci, 41; brooches, 233 
Struga, IS 

Stuberra, 154; base of Perseus, 

172-3 
Silica, r., 190 
Sulpicitis Galba, Roman 

commander, 149, 167 
sun, lllyrian symbol, sun-disc, 244 
Susak, 25 
Suva Gora, 18 
Suva Reka, 48 
Svacics (Snacics), prc-Slav 

communities, 271 
swastika, symbols, 244-5 
swords: Greek, 54, 105; lllvrian, 

238-9 
sybina, spear, 69 



Index 



Symize, 47 

Syn«di(»n c ikola valley), 190, 

196- 7 
Syopii, loo 

Syracuse, settlement on Vis, I I S 

Tacitus, historian: on Veneti 183; 

Roman rule, 213-15 
Tadenus, deity, 247 
Tagliamcnto, r., 22 
Taliatae, 83 

Tara, r., and Autariatac, 139, 270 
Tarentum, 94; Roman base, 166 
Tarsatica (Trsat near Rijcka), 101 
Tarvisium (Treviso), 184 
tattooing, 198, 220; of Japodes, 
271 

Tauem, High, mts., 22 

Taulantii, Taulas, 92-3, 96-8, III; 
and Pyrrhus, 125; under 
Dardani, 146; exempt from 
tribute, 174; recipe for mead, 
221; "swallow -men', 244 

Tauresium, home of Justinian, 267 

Taurisci, 197, 203 

Taurunum, 83 

taxes, Roman, 21 1 

Tedanius (Zrmanja), r., 101, 187, 

197- 8 
Tepeleni, 16. 97 
Terbuniotes, Slavs, 270 
Tergcstc (Trieste), 77, 184, 185-6 
Terminus, deity, 247 
Terponus (Gornje Modrus), 201 
Testimus, leader of Delmatae, 195 
Tetovo, 18; import, 108 
Tetrangourin (Tragurium;, late 

Roman settlement, 269 
Tctrarchs, reforms of, 264 
Tcuta, queen: name, 72, 80, 129, 

158-9; and Romans, 160, 162, 

167, 238 
Thana, lllyrian deity, 246 
theatre. Bvllis 
Thebes (Greece), 98 
Thcodoric, and Ostrogoths, 273 
Theodosius I, emperor, sons of, 

211 



I lu'opompiis, historian, 102. 120, 
I *S 

Thesprotia, 91-2, 103-4 
Thessalonica, on Via Egnatia, 212 
Thessaly, Thessalians, 97, 1 18; 

Roman province, 210; Byzantine 

fortresses, 268 
Thomas the Archdeacon, historian, 

271 

Thrace, 91. 103; Cells in, 144, 

148, 151 
Thracian horseman, cult, 247 
Thracians, 12, 34; names, 69, 73, 
82-4, 87, 119-20, 122-3, 145, 
152; settled in Pannonia, 151, 
155; attack Macedonia, 170; 
tattooed, 198 
Thraco— Cimmerians, 41, 5 5 
Thucvdides, historian, 97, 104, 
III, 117 

Tiberius, emperor, and Pannonians, 

206, 215, 217 
Tilaventus (Tagliamcnto}, r., 183 
tiles, stamped, 128 
Tilurium: fort of Delmatae, 190; 

Roman trophy, 220, 229 
Timavus, r., 185-6 
timber, exports, 109, 128 
Timok, r., 83, 202 
Tirana, 1.5; museum, 10 
Tisa (Tisza), r., 23 
Titov Veles, 17-18 
Titus (Krka), r., 70, 76, 100, 186 
Toimin, 65 

Tomarus (Tomor), mi., 208 
tombs, lllyrian princely, 107, 109; 

tombstones, Roman, 256 
tools, working, 230 
Toplica, r., 20 
Topluga basin, 48 
Topusko, hot springs, 246 
torques, worn by lllyrians, 233 
towns, growth of in lllyria. 1 26, 

129-30 
trade, Greek colonics, 116 
Tragurium (Trogir), 100, 116, IS9 
Trajan, emperor, 2.56 



\nde v 



I ransylvania, -is 
Trcbeniste, burials, to,,. m 
IrebemSko K.,| t -, ((> ,„|»s. ,06 
Trebizat, r., ,89 

Tl 47, UfT b ' ,S,n ' fortificatio 'K> 
Trcska, r., 150 

Tribal],, 92, 121, 139, ,47; and 
Autanatae, 140; decline of, 145, 

tribe (cthnos): among niyrians, 

izt>-/; formation, 237 
I ncornium, 8.! 
Trieste, 6, 16, 25, 32 
tripods, bronze, 106 
Tnre.ua m()[ her of Pinnes, 162 
Troy 108; Trojan War, J10; Walls 
«>^l !6; Trojans and Dardani, 

Isangon pass, 124 
tumulus, burial, 127, 140 24] 
lurkey, Turks, 6, X, |9, 
Tuzla, tombs, 106 
Tyrrheni, 94; Tyrrhenian Sea, 94 

ukas, 'wolf, 244 
Ulcinj, 15 
Ulm, 1.3 

U'pian, jurist, attacked, 260 
Ulpianum (Gracanica) : city, 257- 

defences, 268 
Umbria, Umbri, 94 
Umcari, 41; burials, 106 
U ' 2 a 0 ' 0 r -' 5l ' 54 ' 5 7-8, 70, .97-8, 

UneSid, Sibenik, 36 
Untermann, J., 69-70 
urban buildings, 13.3 

urbanization, 127, 1.36 ?27- 

Roman, 256-7 
Urnfield Culture, .38, 58-9 
UroSevac, 19 

Uscana, ofPenestae, 136; captured 

by Perseus, I72-.3 
Utinadius, 86 
Uvac, r., 270 
Uzice, 41 



Vace, 59, 105 

Valens, emperor: and beer, 222- 

defeated by Goths, 26 S 
Va entiman, etnpcror, 265 
Valerian, emperor, 26 1 
Valerius Laevinus, Roman f)ect 

commander, 166 
V^lenus Maximianus, of Poerov.o, 

Valona, Bay of, llo 
Vandali, 4; in Africa, 267 
Varaidin, 22 
Varccia, 2 1 7 

Varciani, 81; civitas, 2,7-18- 

Celtic, 256 
Vardar (Axios), r., 14-15, 17-20 

:'' 3 C V 9 'H '06, io8, • 

149-50, 210 
Vardarac, wind, 24 
VardS, Croatia, .30 

Vjrr "- writer: on I iburni. 

• women, >'0 ' 58 

Varinius, Roman commander, 196, 

vegetables, i„ Illvrj.,, lln . 

vegetation, west (i recce, 109 
Vekla (Curietae), late Roman 

settlement, 269 
V^,mts., ,5,32,57, ,00-1, 

Velleius Paterculus, historian, on 

Fannonians, 216, 236 
Venedi/Veneti (Wends), Slavonic, 

Veneti, 59, 93-5, 96, 102, 18 3 
, Jg' lH9 - «W 'M; in Italy, 
Vcncti, of Gaul, 183 
Venetic language and names, 70-9, 

Venice, Republic, 25 
Vcntrok, Korcc basin, 130 
Vergina, royal tombs, 49, 123 

Via Egnatia, 19, no, in- 
construction, 212, 273, 278 



hi.lr\ 



iSI 



Vic|.i I uka, Brae", Sll 

Vidasus, deity, 24<> 

Vienna, 78; Congress irf, S 

Vig, late fortress near Scodra, 273 

Vijose, r.. 14, It,, IS 

Viminacium, S3, 85 

Vinca Culture 32 

vine: on [Uyrian coins, ,76; 
cultivated, 220-1; planted by 
Probus, 263 
Vinica, Slavonia, 57 
•virtus lllyrici', on coins, 261 
Visegrad, 21 
Visoi, 49, 106 
Vistula, r., .36 

Vital, Prozor, Japodian settlement, 
198 

Vlachs: origins of, 266; emergence, 
270 

Vlasko CJuliure, 32 

Vlora, ,5, 26 

Vojvodina, .30, 55 

Vranica, mts., 21 

Vraniste, 108 

Vranje, 20 

Vranovo, 48 

Vratnik pass, 201 

Vrbas, r.. 22, 50-1, 203-4, 216 

Vrcbac, 57 

Vrlika, burials, 242-3 

Vrtistc, 48 

Vucedol, 30, 35 

Vukovar, 23 

Wallachia, 48 
warfare, tllyrian, 238 
warrior elites, 105, 237 
warships, lllyrian on greaves, 240 
water-lowl, lllyrian symbol, 244 
weapons, 105; cavalry, 154 



Western (Zapadna) Morava, i „ 20 

si. i ;•>. mi 

wheat: imported, 224; nulling, 231 
White Drin, r., 14, 19 
wine-drinking, 109; trade, 1 13; 
strainers, 141; jugs, imported, 
141; Istrian, 221 
wire-making, at Osanici, 194 
Wolf's Pass (Gryke e Ujkut), 47 
women: role of, 109; in Liburnia, 
187; childbirth, 220; banquets,' 
221; sexual fredom, 238 
wood-carving, imitated in stone, 
253 

wool: of I.iburni, 186; trade, 279 
Wurzen pass, 22 

Xerxes, army of, 1 I | 

Yugoslav Archaeological Society, 
10, 25-6 

Zachlumi, Slavs, 270 

Zadar ;Zara>, 25, 56; museum, 5 

Zadrime 45 

Zagreb, 6, 23; museum, 5, 9 
Zagvozd, 50 
Zegovac, mt., 257 
Zelena Pecma cave, Hvar, .34 
Zenica, 22; relief, 228-9, 253 
Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, 262 
Zera, r., 16, 216, 256 
Zeus, oracle of, 98, 102-3 
Zgcrdhcsh near Kruja, 

fortifications, 1.30, 1.3.3; identified 

with Albanop olis, 279 
Zidovar. oppidum, 202 
Zirovnica, 48 
Zlatiste, 41 
Zlot, 48 

Zrmanja (Tcdanius), r., 16, 56-8, 
Zupanias, 'counties" of Croats, 270